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THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE 
OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON 



BY 



EDWARD SAPIR 

99 




EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF BUREAU OF 

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1912 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for 

the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of 

Philosophy, Columbia University. 



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SEP y 



LC Control Number 




tmp96 031302 






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THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTH 
WESTERN OREGON 

BY 

EDWARD SAPIR 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 1 1 



CONTENTS 



Page 

1. Introduction 7 

| 2-24. Phonology 8 

§ 2. Introductory 8 

§§ 3-11. Vowels 10 

§ 3. General remarks 10 

§ 4. System of vowels 10 

§ 5. Stress and pitch-accent 15 

§§ 6-11. Vocalic processes 22 

§ 6. Vowel hiatus 22 

§ 7. Dissimilation of u 24 

§ 8. /- umlaut 24 

§ 9. K-sounds preceded by it-vowels _ . . 27 

§ 10. Inorganic a 28 

§ 11. Simplification of double diphthongs 29 

§§ 12-24. Consonants 31 

§ 12. System of consonants 31 

§ 13. Final consonants 35 

§§ 14-17. Consonant combinations 36 

§ 14. General remarks 36 

§ 15. Initial combinations 36 

§ 16. Final combinations 38 

§ 17 . Medial combinations _ 39 

§§ 18-24. Consonant processes 41 

§ 18. Dropping of final consonants 41 

§ 19. Simplification of doubled consonants 42 

§ 20. Consonants before x 44 

§ 21. Dissimilation of n to I and m 45 

§ 22. Catch dissimilation 47 

§ 23. Influence of place and kind of accent on manner of articula- 
tion 48 

§ 24. Inorganic h 51 

25-115. Morphology 52 

§ 25. Introductory 52 

§§ 26-32. Grammatical processes 55 

§ 26. General remarks 55 

§ 27. Prefixation 55 

§ 28. Sufnxation 56 

§ 29. Infixation 56 

§ 30. Reduplication 57 

§ 31. Vowel-ablaut 59 

§ 32. Consonant-ablaut 62 

§§33-83. I. The verb _ 63 

§ 33. Introductory 63 

§§ 34-38. 1. Verbal prefixes 64 

§ 34. General remarks 64 

§ 35. Incorporated nouns 66 

§ 36. Body-part prefixes 72 

§ 37. Local prefixes 86 

§ 38. Instrumental wa- 91 

3 



CONTENTS 

25-115. Morphology — Continued. 

§§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued. Page 

§§ 39, 40. 2. Formation of verb-stems 92 

§ 39. General remarks 92 

§ 40. Types of stem-formation 95 

§§ 41-58. 3. Verbal suffixes of derivation 117 

§ 41. General remarks 117 

§ 42. Petrified suffixes 118 

§ 43. Frequentatives and usitatives 127 

§§ 44-51. Transitive suffixes 135 

§ 44. General remarks 135 

§ 45. Causative -(a) n- 135 

§ 46. Comitative -(a) gw- 137 

§ 47. Indirective -d- (s-) 141 

§ 48. Indirective (a') Id- 143 

§ 49. Indirective -(a 7 ) md- 144 

§ 50. Indirective -(a)n (an)- "for " 145 

§ 51. Indirect reflexive -gwa- _ 148 

§§ 52-57. Intransitive suffixes 149 

§ 52. General remarks 149 

§ 53. Active intransitive -xa- 150 

§ 54. Reflexive -gwi-. . _ : 152 

§ 55. Reciprocal \-an- 152 

§ 56. Non-agentive -x- 153 

§ 57. Positional -%i- 155 

§ 58. Impersonal -iau- 156 

§§ 59-67. 4. Temporal-modal and pronominal elements 157 

§ 59. Introductory 157 

§ 60. Intransitives, class 1 160 

§ 61. Intransitives, class II 164 

§§ 62-66. Transitives, class III 167 

§ 62. General remarks 167 

§ 63. Transitive subject pronouns 170 

§ 64. Connecting -x- and -i- 172 

§ 65. Forms without connecting vowel 177 

§66. Passives 180 

§ 67. Verbs of mixed class, class IV 181 

§§ 68-72. 5. Auxiliary and subordinating forms 184 

§ 68. Periphrastic futures 184 

§ 69. Periphrastic phrases in na(g)- ' ' do, act " 186 

§ 70. Subordinating forms 189 

§ 71. Conditionals 196 

§ 72. Uses of potential and inferential 199 

§§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives 201 

§ 73. Introductory 201 

§ 74. Infinitives 201 

§§ 75-78. Participles 204 

§ 75. General remarks 204 

§ 76. Active participle in -t" 204 

§ 77. Passive participle in -(a)F w , -?F W 205 

§ 78. Passive participle in -xap (sap') 207 

§§ 79-82. Nouns of agency 208 

§79. Introductory 208 

§ 80. Nouns of agency in -(ays 208 



CONTENTS 5 

§§ 25-115. Morphology — Continued. 

§§ 33-83. I. The verb— Continued . Page 
§§ 73-83. 6. Nominal and adjectival derivatives — Continued. 
§§ 79-82. Nouns of agency — Continued. 

§ 81. Nouns of agency in -s#, -safl 209 

§ 82. Nouns of agency in -xi 210 

§ 83. Forms in -i'ya 210 

§§84-102. II. Thenoun 210 

§ 84. Introductory 210 

§§ 85, 86. 1. Nominal stems 214 

§ 85. General remarks 214 

§ 86. Types of stem formation 215 

§§ 87, 88. 2. Noun derivation 221 

§ 87. Derivative suffixes 221 

§ 88. Compounds 225 

§ 89. 3. Noun-characteristics and pre-pronominal -x- 227 

§§ 90-93. 4. Possessive suffixes 231 

§ 90. General remarks.-. 231 

§ 91. Terms of relationship 232 

§92. Schemes II and III 235 

§ 93. Possessives with pre-positives 237 

§§94-96. 5. Jx)cal phrases 241 

§ 94. General remarks 241 

§ 95. Pre-positives 242 

§ 96. Postpositions 243 

§§ 97-102. 6. Post-nominal elements 246 

§ 97. General remarks 246 

§ 98. Exclusive -fa 246 

§ 99. Plural -Van (-han, -Man) 247 

§ 100. Dual -dU 249 

§ 101. -wi'e every 249 

§ 102. Deictic -=a N 250 

§§ 103-105. III. The pronoun. 251 

§ 103. Independent personal pronouns. 251 

§ 104. Demonstrative pronouns and adverbs 252 

§ 105. Interrogative and indefinite pronouns 254 

§§ 106-109. IV. The adjective 255 

§ 106. General remarks 255 

§ 107. Adjectival prefixes 256 

§ 108. Adjectival derivative suffixes 258 

§ 109. Plural formations 262 

§§ 110, 111. V. Numerals 264 

§ 110. Cardinals 264 

§ 111. Numeral adverbs 266 

§§ 112-114. VI. Adverbs and particles 267 

§ 112. Adverbial suffixes 267 

§ 113. Simple adverbs 270 

§ 114. Particles. 272 

§ 115. VII. Interjections 278 

§ 116. Conclusion 281 

Appendix A : 1 . Comparative table of pronominal forms 284 

2. Scheme of seven voices in six tense-modes 285 

3. Forms of na(a)-"say, do" 286 

Appendix B : Specimen texts with analysis 291 



THE TAKELMA LANGUAGE OF SOUTHWESTERN 

OREGON 



By Edward Sapir 



§ 1. INTRODUCTION 

The language treated in the following pages was spoken in the 
southwestern part of what is now the state of Oregon, along the 
middle portion of Rogue river and certain of its tributaries. It, 
together with an upland dialect of which but a few words were 
obtained, forms the Takilman stock of Powell. The form "Takelma" 
of the word is practically identical with the native name of the tribe, 
Dd a gelma' £ n those dwelling along the river (see below, § 87, 4) ; 
there seems to be no good reason for departing from it in favor of 
Powell's variant form. 

The linguistic material on which this account of the Takelma 
language is based consists of a series of myth and other texts, pub- 
lished by the University of Pennsylvania (Sapir, Takelma Texts, 
Anthropological Publications of the University Museum, vol. ii, no. 1, 
Philadelphia, 1909), together with a mass of grammatical material 
(forms and sentences) obtained in connection with the texts. A 
series of eleven short medicine formulas or charms have been pub- 
lished with interlinear and free translation in the Journal of Ameri- 
can Folk-Lore (xx, 35-40). A vocabulary of Takelma verb, noun, 
and adjective stems, together with a certain number of derivatives, 
will be found at the end of the " Takelma Texts." Some manu- 
script notes on Takelma, collected in the summer of 1904 by Mr. 
H. H. St. Clair, 2d, for the Bureau of American Ethnology, have 
been kindly put at my disposal by the Bureau; though these consist 
mainly of lexical material, they have been found useful on one or 
two points. References like 125.3 refer to page and line of my 
Takelma Texts. Those in parentheses refer to forms analogous to 

the ones discussed. 

7 



8 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The author's material was gathered at the jSiletz reservation of 
Oregon during a stay of a month and a half in the summer of 1906, 
also under the direction of the Bureau of American Ethnology. 
My informant was Mrs. Frances Johnson, an elderly full-blood 
Takelma woman. Her native place was the village of DaVtslasin or 
Daldani y V , on Jump-off- Joe creek (Dip ! olts li'lda) , a northern affluent 
of Rogue river, her mother having come from a village on the upper 
course of Cow creek (Hagwal). Despite her imperfect command of 
the English language, she was found an exceptionally intelligent 
and good-humored informant, without which qualities the following 
study would have been far more imperfect than it necessarily must 
be under even the very best of circumstances. 

In conclusion I must thank Prof. Franz Boas for his valuable 
advice in regard to several points of method and for his active 
interest in the progress of the work. It is due largely to him that I 
was encouraged to depart from the ordinary rut of grammatical 
description and to arrange and interpret the facts in a manner that 
seemed most in accordance with the spirit of the Takelma language 
itself. 1 

PHONOLOGY (§§2-24) 

§ 2. Introductory 

In its general phonetic character, at least as regards relative harsh- 
ness or smoothness of acoustic effect, Takelma will probably be found 
to occupy a position about midway between the characteristically 
rough languages of the Columbia valley and the North Californian 
and Oregon coast (Chinookan, Salish, Alsea, Coos, Athapascan, Yurok) 
on the one hand, and the relatively euphonious languages of the 
Sacramento valley (Maidu, Yana, Wintun) on the other, inclining 
rather to the latter than to the former. 

From the former group it differs chiefly in the absence of voice- 
less Z-sounds (l, I, 2 l!) and of velar stops (q, g, q!) ; from the latter, 

i What little has been learned of the ethnology of the Takelma Indians will be found incorporated in 
two articles written by the author and entitled Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, in 
American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 251-275; and Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern 
Oregon, in Journal of American Folk-Lore, xx, 33-49. 

2 In the myths, I is freely prefixed to any word spoken by the bear. Its uneuphonious character is evi- 
dently intended to match the coarseness of the bear, and for this quasi-rhetorical purpose it was doubtless 
derisively borrowed from the neighboring Athapascan languages, in which it occurs with great frequency. 
The prefixed sibilant s- serves in a similar way as a sort of sneezing adjunct to indicate the speech of 
the coyote. Gwi'di where? says the ordinary mortal; Igwi'di, the bear; s-gwi'di, the coyote. 

§ 2 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 9 

in the occurrence of relatively more complex consonantic clusters, 
though these are of strictly limited possibilities, and hardly to be 
considered as difficult in themselves. 

Like the languages of the latter group, Takelma possesses clear- 
cut vowels, and abounds, besides, in long vowels and diphthongs; 
these, together with a system of syllabic pitch-accent, give the Takel- 
ma language a decidedly musical character, marred only to some 
extent by the profusion of disturbing catches. The line of cleavage 
between Takelma and the neighboring dialects of the Athapascan stock 
(Upper Umpqua, Applegate Creek, Galice Creek, Chasta Costa) is thus 
not only morphologically but also phonetically distinct, despite re- 
semblances in the manner of articulation of some of the vowels and 
consonants. Chasta Costa, formerly spoken on the lower course of 
Rogue river, possesses all the voiceless Z-sounds above referred to ; a 
peculiar illusive q!, the fortis character of which is hardly as prominent 
as in Chinook; a voiced guttural spirant y, as in North German Tags; 
the sonants or weak surds dj and z (rarely) ; a voiceless interdental 
spirant p and its corresponding fortis tp!; and a very frequently oc- 
curring it vowel, as in English hut. All of these are absent from 
Takelma, which, in turn, has a complete labial series (b, p\ p!, m), 
whereas Chasta Costa has only the nasal m (labial stops occur appar- 
ently only in borrowed words, ~bogi' cat <pussy). The fortis Jc!, com- 
mon in Takelma, seems in the Chasta Costa to be replaced by ql; the 
Takelma vowel it, found also in California, is absent from Chasta 
Costa; r is foreign to either, though found in Galice Creek and Shasta. 
Perhaps the greatest point of phonetic difference, however, between 
the Takelma and Chasta Costa languages lies in the peculiar long 
(doubled) consonants of the latter, while Takelma regularly simpli- 
fies consonant geminations that would theoretically appear in the 
building of words. Not enough of the Shasta has been published to 
enable one to form an estimate of the degree of phonetic similarity 
that obtains between it and Takelma, but the differences can hardly 
be as pronounced as those that have just been found to exist in the 
case of the latter and Chasta Costa. 

This preliminary survey seemed necessary in order to show, as far 
as the scanty means at present at our disposal would allow, the 
phonetic affiliations of Takelma. Attention will now be directed to 
the sounds themselves. 

§ 2 



10 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Vowels (§§ 3-11) 

§ 3. General Hemarfos 

The simple vowels appear, quantitatively considered, in two 
forms, short and long, or, to adopt a not inappropriate term, pseudo- 
diphthongal. By this is meant that a long vowel normally con- 
sists of the corresponding short vowel, though generally of greater 
quantity, plus a slight parasitic rearticulation of the same vowel 
(indicated by a small superior letter) , the whole giving the effect of a 
diphthong without material change of vowel-quality in the course 
of production. The term pseudo-diphthong is the more justified 
in that the long vowel has the same absolute quantity, and experi- 
ences the same accentual and syllabic treatment, as the true diph- 
thong, consisting of short vowel + i, u, I, m, or n. If the short 
vowel be given a unitary quantitative value of 1, the long vowel 
(pseudo-diphthong) and ordinary diphthong will have an approxi- 
mate value of 2 ; while the long diphthong, consisting of long vowel 
+ i, u, Z, m, or n, will be assigned a value of 3. The liquid (I) and 
the nasals (m and n) are best considered as forming, parallel to the 
semi-vowels y (i) and w (u), diphthongs with preceding vowels, 
inasmuch as the combinations thus entered on are treated, similarly 
to i- and u- diphthongs, as phonetic units for the purposes of pitch- 
accent and grammatic processes. As a preliminary example serving 
to justify this treatment, it may be noted that the verb-stem bUw- f 
bilu- jump becomes bilau- with inorganic a under exactly the same 
phonetic conditions as those which make of the stem Iclemn- make 
Jcleman-. We thus have, for instance: 

bilwa' £ s jumper; bilcfuV he jumped 
lc!emna /£ s maker; ~k!ema K nY he made it 

From this and numberless other examples it follows that au and an, 
similarly ai, al, and am, belong, from a strictly Takelma point of 
view, to the same series of phonetic elements ; similarly for e, i, o, 
and u diphthongs. 

§ 4. System, of Vowels 

The three quantitative stages outlined above are presented for 
the various vowels and diphthong-forming elements in the following 
table : 

§§ 3-4 






BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



11 



I. Short. 


II. Long. 


Short diphthong. 


III. Long diphthong. 


a 


da, (a) 


ai, 


au, al, am, an 


ai, 


au, aal, dam, dan 


e 


ee,(k) 


ei, 


eu, el, em, en 


ei, 


lu, eel, eem een 


i 


a, (i) 




iu, il, im, in 




lu, IU, Iim, tin 


o, (u) 


ou, (o) 


oi, 


ou, ol, om, on 
(ou) (ul) (um) (un) 


6i, 


ou(w), oul, 6«ra, dun 


u 


uu, (u) 


ui, 


uw, ul, um, un 
(uu) 


ui, 


uu(w), uul, Hum, uun 


■ii 


uu, (u) 


Ul, 


iiw, ul, iim, iin 
(u u ) 


Ul, 


iiu(w), iiul, Hum, Hun 



It is to be understood, of course, that, under proper syllabic con- 
ditions, i and u may respectively appear in semivocalic form as y 
and w; thus o u and u u appear as ow and uw when followed by vowels ; 
e. g., in lc!uwu u - throw away, uw and u u are equivalent elements 
forming a reduplicated complex entirely analogous to -elel- in Mu- 
sing. Similarly ai, au, ai, and au may appear as ay, aw, a a y, and 
a a w; and correspondingly for the other vowels. Indeed, one of 
the best criteria for the determination of the length of the first 
element of a diphthong is to obtain it in such form as would cause 
the second element (i or u) to become semi-vocalic, for then the first 
vowel will adopt the form of a short vowel or pseudo-diphthong, 
as the case may be. The following phonetic (not morphologic) pro- 
portions will make this clearer: 

hilmt K e s I jump : biliwaf you jump = 7ie e£ iu he went away from 
him : Jie^ihvi^n I went away from him 

g&iF he ate it : g&yawa' e n I ate it = #aiF he grew: gh a ya' s £ he will 
grow 

gayau he ate it : gay&wa' £ nl ate it = Jianfgsiu over land : Latg K 2^wa ,£ 
one from Lat'gau [uplands] 
Sometimes, though not commonly, a diphthong may appear in the 
same word either with a semivowel or vowel as its second element, 
according to whether it is or is not followed by a connecting inor- 
ganic a. A good example of such a doublet is TiayQ e wa'xda a da or 
hayeuxda a da in his returning (verb stem yew-, ye e w- return). 
It is acoustically difficult to distinguish sharply between the long 
vowel or pseudo-diphthong o u and the u-diphthongs of o (both ou 
and ou are often heard as o u ), yet there is no doubt that there is 
an organic difference between o u , as long vowel to o, and o u = ou, ou. 
Thus, in loJio u na /£ n I cause him to die, and lohona'n I shall cause 
him to die, o u and o are related as long and short vowel in parallel 

§ 4 



12 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 4.0 

fashion to the a a and a of ya, a naY you went, and y&nada' £ you will 
go. On the other hand, the o u of p'o u p'au- (aorist stem) blow is 
organically a diphthong (ou), the o u of the first syllable being related 
to the au of the second as the iu of YiuVau- (verb stem) brandish 
is to its au. Similarly, the -o u - of s'6' u£ V6p'- (verb stem) jump 
is organic shortened ou, related to the -owo- of the aorist stem 
s'o'wo^Vop^- as the -e { - of 7ie n$ x- (verb stem) be left over is to the 
-eye- of Jieje £ x- (aorist stem). A similar acoustic difficulty is experi- 
enced in distinguishing vfi, (u u ) as long vowel from the u- diphthongs 

Of Uy (U). 

Examples of unrelated stems and words differing only in the 
length of the vowel or diphthong are not rare, and serve as internal 
evidence of the correctness, from a native point of view, of the vowel 
classification made: 

gai- eat, but gai- grow 

verb-prefix da a - ear, but da- mouth 

wa a xa his younger brother, but wa'xa at them 
It may happen that two distinct forms of the same word differ only 
in vocalic quantity; yei a da /£ f he will swim, y&da' £ t K he swims. 

It is, naturally enough, not to be supposed that the long vowels 
and diphthongs always appear in exactly the same quantity. Speed 
of utterance and, to some extent, withdrawal of the stress-accent, 
tend to reduce the absolute quantities of the vowels, so that a nor- 
mally long vowel can become short, or at least lose its parasitic 
attachment. In the case of the i- and u- diphthongs, such a quan- 
titative reduction means that the two vowels forming the diphthong 
more completely lose their separate individuality and melt into one. 
Quantitative reduction is apt to occur particularly before a glottal 
catch; in the diphthongs the catch follows so rapidly upon the second 
element (i or u) that one can easily be in doubt as to whether a full 
i- or u- vowel is pronounced, or whether this second vowel appears 
rather as a palatal or labial articulation of the catch itself. The 
practice has been adopted of writing such diphthongs with a superior 
i or u before the catch: a i£ , a u£ , e u£ , and similarly for the rest. When, 
however, in the course of word-formation, this catch drops off, the i 
or u that has been swallowed up, as it were, in the catch reasserts 
itself, and we get such pairs of forms as: 

nag&' i£ he said; but nag&'ida* when he said 

sgele' u£ he shouted; but sgele'uda £ when he shouted 
§ 4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 13 

On the other hand, vowels naturally short sometimes become long 
when dwelt upon for rhetorical emphasis. Thus ga that sometimes 
appears as ga a : 

gd a loho'fe e in that case I shall die 

ga' a ga £ a y l for that reason 
As regards the pronunciation of the vowels themselves, little need 
be said. The a is of the same quality as the short a of German mann, 
while the long a a (barring the parasitic element) corresponds to the 
a of HAHN. 

A labial coloring of the a (i. e., 6 as in German voll) frequently 
occurs before and after Y w : 

guho¥ w planted, sown 

lVwa fa VwdV he woke him up 
But there were also heard: 

sek*a¥ w shot 

malaVwa he told him 
The e is an open sound, as in the English let; it is so open, indeed, 
as to verge, particularly after y, toward a. 1 Also the long vowel e e 
is very open in quality, being pronounced approximately like the ei 
of English their (but of course without the r- vanish) or the e of 
French fete; e e , though unprovided with the mark of length, will 
be always understood as denoting the long vowel (pseudo-diphthong) 
corresponding to the short e; while e will be employed, wherever 
necessary, for the long vowel without the parasitic - e . The close e, 
as in German reh, does not seem to occur in Takelma, although it 
was sometimes heard for i; in the words la a le y he became, la a lefam 
you became, and other related forms, e was generally heard, and may 
be justified, though there can be small doubt that it is morphologically 
identical with the % l of certain other verbs. 

The i is of about the same quality as in English hit, while the 
long l l is closer, corresponding to the ea of English beat. Several 
monosyllables, however, in -i, such as gwi where, di interrogative 
particle, should be pronounced with a close though short vowel (cf. 
French fini) . This closer pronunciation of the short vowel may be 
explained by supposing that gwi, di, and other such words are rapid 
pronunciations of gwi 1 , di% and the others; and indeed the texts 
sometimes show such longer forms. 

i The word yewe'i B he returned, e. g., was long heard as yawe'i s , but such forms as ylu return! show 
this to have been an auditory error. 

§ 4 



14 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The o is a close vowel, as in German sohn, as far as the quality is 
concerned, but with the short quantity of the o of toll. This close- 
ness of pronunciation of the o readily explains its very frequent 
interchange with u: 

Us m !o f 'p'al sharp-clawed 
dets'luguY sharp-pointed 

and also the u- quality of the parasitic element in the long close vowel 
o u . The short open 6, as in German voll, never occurs as a primary 
vowel, but is practically always a labialized variant of a. Thus in 
Takelma, contrary to the parallelism one ordinarily expects to find in 
vocalic systems, e- vowels are open in quality, while o- vowels are 
close. 

The vowel u is close, as in the English word rude, the long mark 
over the u being here used to indicate closeness of quality rather 
than length of quantity. The u is not identical with the German ii, 
but is somewhat more obscure in quality and wavers (to an un- 
Indian ear) between the German short u of mutze and u of muss ; 
sometimes it was even heard with the approximate quality of the 
short o of gotz. The long u u is, in the same way, not exactly 
equivalent to the long u of the German suss, but tends in the direc- 
tion of u u , with which it frequently varies in the texts. It is some- 
what doubtful how far the two vowels u and u are to be considered 
separate and distinct; it is quite possible that they should be looked 
upon as auditory variants of one sound. Before or after y or w, u is 

apt to be heard as u, ~k!uwu /s they ran away, uyu /£ s' he 

laughed, lguyugi n si, he keeps nudging me, — — otherwise often as u. 

The only short vowel not provided for in the table is H (as in Eng- 
lish sun), which, however, has no separate individuality of its own, 
but is simply a variant form of a, heard chiefly before m: 

Tie eS Ue'me e %'km he killed us off (for -am) 
xiim in water (for xam) 

The absence of the obscure vowel e of indeterminate quality is 
noteworthy as showing indirectly the clear-cut vocalic character of 
Takelma speech. Only in a very few cases was the e heard, and in 
the majority of these it was not a reduced vowel, but an intrusive 
sound between m and s: 

dakH'he' e£ FfbagamES he tied his hair up into top-knot (in place 
of -ams) . 
§ 4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 15 

Even here it may really have been the strongly semantic quality 
of the m in contrast to the voiceless s that produced the acoustic 
effect of an obscure vowel. The exact pronunciation of the diph- 
thongs will be better understood when we consider the subject of 
pitch-accent. 

§ 5. Stress and Pitch- Accent 

Inasmuch as pitch and stress accent are phonetic phenomena that 
affect more particularly the vowels and diphthongs, it seems advisable 
to consider the subject here and to let the treatment of the conso- 
nants follow. As in many Indian languages, the stress-accent of any 
particular word in Takelma is not so inseparably associated with any 
particular syllable but that the same word, especially if consisting 
of more than two syllables, may appear with the main stress-accent 
now on one, now on the other syllable. In the uninterrupted flow of 
the sentence it becomes often difficult to decide which syllable of a 
word should be assigned the stress-accent. Often, if the word bears 
no particular logical or rhythmic emphasis, one does best to regard 
it as entirely without accent and as standing in a proclitic or enclitic 
relation to a following or preceding word of greater emphasis. This 
is naturally chiefly the case with adverbs (such as he e ne then) and 
conjunctive particles (such as ganehi £ and then; agas'i £ and so, but 
then); though it not infrequently happens that the major part of 
a clause will thus be strung along without decided stress-accent until 
some emphatic noun or verb-form is reached. Thus the following 
passage occurs in one of the myths : 

ganehi £ dewenxa la a ll 7iono £ p*ele'xa £ , literally translated, And 
then to-morrow (next day) it became, again they went out to 
war 

All that precedes the main verb-form ])*ele f xa £ they went out to 
war is relatively unimportant, and hence is hurried over without any- 
where receiving marked stress. 

Nevertheless a fully accented word is normally stressed on some 
particular syllable; it may even happen that two forms differ 
merely in the place of accent : 

naga'-ida? when he said, but 
naga-ida /£ when you said 

The important point to observe, however, is that when a particular 
syllable does receive the stress (and after all most words are normally 

8 5 



16 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

accented on some one syllable), it takes on one of two or three musical 
inflections : 

(1) A simple pitch distinctly higher than the normal pitch of 
unstressed speech (-*) . 

(2) A rising inflection that starts at, or a trifle above, the normal 
pitch, and gradually slides up to the same higher pitch referred to 
above (^). 

(3) A falling inflection that starts at, or generally somewhat 
higher than, the raised pitch of (1) and (2), and gradually slides 
down to fall either in the same or immediately following syllable, to 
a pitch somewhat lower than the normal (-). 

The "raised" pitch 0) is employed only in the case of final short 
vowels or shortened diphthongs (i. e., diphthongs that, owing to 
speed of utterance, are pronounced so rapidly as to have a quanti- 
tative value hardly greater than that of short vowels; also sec- 
ondary diphthongs involving an inorganic a); if a short vowel 
spoken on a raised pitch be immediately followed by an unac- 
cented syllable (as will always happen, if it is not the final 
vowel of the word), there will evidently ensue a fall in pitch in the 
unaccented syllable, and the general acoustic effect of the two 
syllables will be equivalent to a "falling" inflection (-) within one 
syllable; i. e. (if — be employed to denote an unaccented syllable), 

(-) H =(-)• The following illustration will make this clearer: 

you sang is regularly accented JielelaY, the a s being sung on an 
interval of a (minor, sometimes even major) third above the two 
unaccented e- vowels. The acoustic effect to an American ear is very 
much the same as that of a curt query requiring a positive or nega- 
tive answer, did he go ? where the i of did and e of he correspond in 
pitch to the two e's of the Takelma word, while the o of go is equiva- 
lent to the Takelma a\ The Takelma word, of course, has no 
interrogative connotation. If, now, we wish to make a question out 
of JielelaY, we add the interrogative particle di, and obtain the 
form helela'fidi did he sing? (The % is a weak vowel inserted to 
keep the f and d apart.) Here the a' has about the same pitch as 
in the preceding word, but the I sinks to about the level of the e- 
vowels, and the di is pronounced approximately a third below the 
normal level. The Takelma interrogative form thus bears an acoustic 
resemblance to a rapid English reply: so he did go, the o of so and 

§ 5 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 17 

e of he corresponding in pitch to the unaccented e- vowels of the 
Takelma, the i of did resembling in its rise above the normal pitch 
the a' ', and the o of go sinking like the i of the interrogative particle. 1 
If the normal level of speech be set at A, the two forms just considered 
may be musically, naturally with very greatly exaggerated tonal 
effect, represented as follows : 



he- le- la x t' he- le- la'- t'l- di 

The "rising" pitch (==0 is found only on long vowels and short or 
long diphthongs. The rising pitch is for a long vowel or diphthong 
what the raised pitch is for a short vowel or shortened diphthong; 
the essential difference between the two being that in the latter case 
the accented vowel is sung on a single tone reached without an inter- 
mediate slur from the lower level, whereas in the case of the rising 
pitch the affected vowel or diphthong changes in pitch in the course 
of pronunciation; the first part of the long vowel and the first vowel 
of the diphthong are sung on a tone intermediate between the normal 
level and the raised pitch, while the parasitic element of the long 
vowel and the second vowel (i or u) of the diphthong are hit by the 
raised tone itself. It is easy to understand that in rapid pronuncia- 
tion the intermediate tone of the first part of the long vowel or diph- 
thong would be hurried over and sometimes dropped altogether; this 
means that a long vowel or diphthong with rising pitch (3, a%) becomes 
a short vowel or shortened diphthong with raised pitch (a\ a y i). 2 
Diphthongs consisting of a short vowel + 1, m, or n, and provided 
with a rising pitch, ought, in strict analogy, to appear as an, at, am; 
and so on for the other vowels. This is doubtless the correct repre- 
sentation, and such forms as: 

nank' he will say, do 

gwalf wind 

dasmayam he smiled 

wulx enemy, Shasta 
were actually heard, the liquid or nasal being distinctly higher in 
pitch than the preceding vowel. In the majority of cases, however, 

1 It is curious that the effect to our ears of the Takelma declarative helela't' is of an interrogative did you 
seng? while conversely the effect of an interrogative helela't'idi is that of a declarative you did sing. 
This is entirely accidental in so far as a rise in pitch has nothing to do in Takelma with an interrogation. 

2 A vowel marked with the accent « is necessarily long, so that the mark of length and the parasitic 
vowel can be conveniently omitted. 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 2 § 5 



18 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

these diphthongs were heard, if not always pronounced, as shortened 
diphthongs with raised pitch (a y n, a^l, cfm) . The acoustic effect of a 
syllable with rising pitch followed by an unaccented syllable is neces- 
sarily different from that of a syllable with falling pitch (^), or of a 
syllable with raised pitch followed by an unaccented syllable, because 
of the steady rise in pitch before the succeeding fall. The tendency 
at first is naturally to hear the combination — ^ — as — - — , and to 
make no distinction in accent between yewe'ida* when he returned 
and yewelt K e e i returned; but variations in the recorded texts 
between the rising and falling pitch in one and the same form are in 
every case faults of perception, and not true variations at all. The 
words tlomom he killed him and y await* e e i spoke may be approxi- 
mately represented in musical form as follows : 



4 



ttr l i fi-Sf j, 1 .^ m 



t!o- mo-um ya- wa- i- Ve £ 

The falling pitch ( — ) affects both long and short vowels as well as 
diphthongs, its essential characteristic being, as already defined, a 
steady fall from a tone higher than the normal level. The peak of 
the falling inflection may coincide in absolute pitch with that of the 
rising inflection, though it is often somewhat higher, say an interval 
of a fourth above the ordinary level. The base (lowest tone) of the 
fall is not assignable to any definite relative pitch, the gamut run 
through by the voice depending largely upon the character of the 
syllable. If the accent hits a long vowel or diphthong not immedi- 
ately followed by a catch, the base will, generally speaking, coincide 
with the normal level, or lie somewhat below it. If the long vowel 
or diphthong be immediately followed by an unaccented syllable, the 
base is apt to strike this unaccented syllable at an interval of about 
a third below the level. If the vowel or diphthong be immediately 
followed by a catch, the fall in pitch will be rapidly checked, and the 
whole extent of the fall limited to perhaps not more than a semitone. 
As soon, however, as the catch is removed (as often happens on the 
addition to the form of certain grammatical elements), the fall runs 
through its usual gamut. The words 

Ywede'i his name 

yewe'ida £ when he returned 

yewe' i£ he returned 
will serve to illustrate the character of the falling pitch. 
S 5 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 19 




The pronunciation of the diphthongs is now easily understood 
A shortened diphthong (a y i, a' i£ ) sounds to an American ear like an 
indivisible entity, very much like ai and au in high and how; a 
diphthong with falling pitch (a'i) is naturally apt to be heard as two 
distinct vowels, so that one is easily led to write naga r -ida e instead of 
naga r ida e when he said; a diphthong with rising pitch (at) is heard 
either as a pure diphthong or as two distinct vowels, according to 
the speed of utterance or the accidents of perception. All these 
interpretations, however, are merely matters of perception by an 
American ear and have in themselves no objective value. It would 
be quite misleading, for instance, to treat Takelma diphthongs as 
" pure" and " impure," no regard being had to pitch, for such a classi- 
fication is merely a secondary consequence of the accentual phenomena 
we have just considered. 

One other point in regard to the diphthongs should be noted. It 
is important to distinguish between organic diphthongs, in which each 
element of the diphthong has a distinct radical or etymological value, 
and secondary diphthongs, arising from an i, % I, m, or n with pre- 
fixed inorganic a. The secondary diphthongs (ai, au, al, am, an), 
being etymologically single vowels or semivowels, are always unitonal 
in character; they can have the raised, not the rising accent. Con- 
trast the inorganic au of 

6iZa\iF (=*bilwW, 1 not *6iZauF) he jumped; cf. bilwa' s s jumper 
with the organic au of 

gaysiu he ate it; cf, gay&wa ,£ n I ate it 
Contrast similarly the inorganic an of 

TcIemsSlaJe* (=*7c!emii y 1c\ not *&/eraanF) he made it; cf. Jc!emiia /£ s 
maker 

with the organic am of 

dasmay&m he smiled ; cf . dasmaysma' e n I smiled 
Phonetically such secondary diphthongs are hardly different from 
shortened organic diphthongs; etymologically and, in consequence, 
in morphologic treatment, the fine of difference is sharply drawn. 

* Non-existent or theoretically reconstructed forms are indicated by a prefixed asterisk. 

§ 5 



20 BUBEATJ OF AMEBICAST ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

It was said that any particular syllable, if accented, necessarily 
receives a definite pitch-inflection. If it is furthermore pointed out 
that distinct words and forms may differ merely in the character of 
the accent, and that definite grammatical forms are associated with 
definite accentual forms, it becomes evident that pitch-accent has a 
not unimportant bearing on morphology. Examples of words differ- 
ing only in the pitch-accent are: 

se' e l black paint, writing; sel kingfisher . 

la' a p % leaves; (1) lap* he carried it on his back, (2) lap' become (so 

and so) ! 
sa' a f his discharge of wind; saf mash it! 
wili H his house; will house, for instance, in daVwili on top of 

the house 
he' e l song; Ml sing it! 

Indeed, neither vowel-quantity, accent, nor the catch can be consid- 
ered negligible factors in Takelma phonology, as shown by the 
following : 

waya s knife 

waya' a his knife 

waya' £ he sleeps 

wayan he put him to sleep 

~k!wa £ ya s ( = 1c!wafra s ) just grass 

It is impossible to give any simple rule for the determination of 
the proper accent of all words. What has been ascertained in regard 
to the accent of certain forms or types of words in large part seems 
to be of a grammatic, not purely phonetic, character, and hence will 
most naturally receive treatment when the forms themselves are dis- 
cussed. Here it will suffice to give as illustrations of the morphologic 
value of accent a few of the cases : 

(1) Perhaps the most comprehensive generalization that can be 
made in regard to the employment of accents is that a catch requires 
the falling pitch-accent on an immediately preceding stressed sjdlable, 
as comes out most clearly in forms where the catch has been second- 
arily removed. Some of the forms affected are: 

(a) The first person singular subject third person object aorist of 
the transitive verb, as in: 

t!omoma' £ n I kill him 
t!omoma'nda £ as I killed him 

§ 5 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 21 

(b) The third person aorist of all intransitive verbs that take the 
catch as the characteristic element of this person and tense, as in: 

ya r£ he went 

ya' a da £ when he went 

(c) The second person singular possessive of nouns whose ending 
for this person and number is -H\ as in: 

t!i' i£ f your husband 
ela /£ f your tongue 

Contrast : 

tllfY my husband 
elaH % Y my tongue 

There are but few exceptions to this rule. A certain not very nu- 
merous class of transitive verbs, that will later occupy us in the treat- 
ment of the verb, show a long vowel with rising pitch before a catch 
in the first person singular subject third person object aorist, as in: 

lc!eme £ n I make it 
dit!ugu £ n I wear it 

The very isolation of these forms argues powerfully for the general 
correctness of the rule. 

(2) The first person singular subject third person object future, and 
the third person aorist passive always follow the accent of la : 

dd u ma'n I shall kill him 
V.omomafn he was killed 

Contrast : 

xo u ma"n he dried it 
Like Jc!eme £ n in accent we have also: 

7c!emen it was made 

(3) The first person singular possessive of nouns whose ending for 
that person and number is -t'V shows a raised or rising pitch, according 
to whether the accented vowel is short or long (or diphthongal) : 

VwedeiCV my name 
planiV my liver 
UibagwcfnCY my pancreas 

Contrast : 

Ywede'% his name 
p!a' a ntf his liver 
tlibagwa'n his pancreas 

§ 5 



22 BUKEAIT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

(4) The verbal suffix -aid- takes the falling pitch: 
sgelewa r lda £ n I shouted to him 
sgelewa'lf he shouted to him 

Contrast : 

gwaltf wind 
Many more such rules could be given, but these will suffice at present 
to show what is meant by the "fixity" of certain types of accent in 
morphological classes. 

This fixity of accent seems to require a slight qualification. A 
tendency is observable to end up a sentence with the raised pitch, so 
that a syllable normally provided with a falling pitch-accent may 
sometimes, though by no means always, assume a raised accent, if it is 
the last syllable of the sentence. The most probable explanation of 
this phenomenon is that the voice of a Takelma speaker seeks its 
rest in a rise, not, as is the habit in English as spoken in America, in 

a fall. 1 

Vocalic Processes (§§ 6-11) 

§ 6. VOWEL HIATUS 

There is never in Takelma the slightest tendency to avoid the com- 
ing together of two vowels by elision of one of the vowels or con- 
traction of the two. So carefully, indeed, is each vowel kept intact 
that the hiatus is frequently strengthened by the insertion of a catch. 
If the words ya'pla man and a f nl £ not, for instance, should come 
together in that order in the course of the sentence, the two a- vowels 
would not coalesce into one long vowel, but would be separated by 
an inorganic (i. e., not morphologically essential) catch yapla 
£ a r nl e . The same thing happens when two verbal prefixes, the first 
ending in and * the second beginning with a vowel, come together. 
Thus: 

de- in front 

xa a - between, in two 

+ £- with hand 
generally appear as: 

de%- 

xa ae l- 
respectively. The deictic element -<x\ used to emphasize preceding 

i Those familiar with Indogermanic phonology will have noticed that my use of the symbols (-•), (-), and 
(~0 has been largely determined by the method adopted in linguistic works for the representation of the 
syllabic pitch-accents of Lithuanian; the main departures being the use of the (-) on short as well as on 
long vowels and the assignment of a different meaning to the (-). 






BOAS ] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 23 



nouns, pronouns, and adverbs, is regularly separated from a pre- 
ceding vowel by the catch : 

ma /£ a s but you, you truly 
bd u£ a s nowadays indeed 

If a diphthong in i or u precedes a catch followed by a vowel, the i or 
u often appears as y or w after the catch: 

lc!wd £ ya x just grass (= 1c!wdi + -a s ) 
d f£ ya s just they (= di- they + -a x ) 
7ia £ wl- (== Jia-u- under + 1- with hand) 

If the second of two syntactically closely connected words begins 
with a semivowel (w or y) and the first ends in a vowel, a catch is 
generally heard to separate the two, in other words the semivowel is 
treated as a vowel. Examples are: 

ge' £ wo¥ (=ge r +wo¥) there he arrived 

be e£ wd a di H ( = be e + wd a dl H ) day its-body = all day long 

ge £ yd' a M (=ge+yd' a 7ii) just there indeed 
Such cases are of course not to be confounded with examples like: 

me £ wdV he arrived here, and 

me £ yeu come here! 
in which the catch is organic, being an integral part of the adverb 
me £ hither; contrast: 

me £ gini' £ V he came here, with 

ge gini ,£ V he went there. 
The same phonetic rule applies even more commonly when the first 
element is a noun or verb prefix: 

h.& £ winl' i da inside of him; but h.aibe e bini y at noon 

de £ wiliwia' u£ they shouted; but dexehe /£ n he said so 

&hsii s wa £ yewen7ii he returned inside with him; but ohsiigini ,£ V he 
went inside 

wi s wa my younger brother; but wilia x m my father 
It is interesting to note that the catch is generally found also 
when the first element ends in Z, m, or n, these consonants, as has 
been already seen, being closely allied to the semivowels in phonetic 
treatment : 

al £ wd a dide to my body; but €ils'd u ma y l to the mountain 

al £ yowo ,£ he looked; but silxl^V he saw him 

hd a ge'l £ yo he lay belly up; but gelkliyi^lc' he turned to face him 

gwen £ wafgeits' !l¥wa his (head) lay next to it; but gweiiliwila' u£ 
he looked back 

yiwin £ wo'Vi £ (=yiwin speech +wd'Jc*i e without) without speech 

I 6 



24 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

It goes without saying that the catch separates elements ending in 
I, m, or n from such as begin with a vowel : 

s'in £ ilats!agi ,£ n I touch his nose 
cUHfbaga'VlaY he struck them 

§ 7. DISSIMILATION OF u 

A diphthong in u tends, by an easily understood dissimilatory 
process, to drop the u before a labial suffix (-gw-, -p\ -ha £ ). Thus 
we have : 

wahawaxPgwa^n I rot with it, for *xiugwa re n 
Compare : 

hawaxi' uS he rots 

wahawaxiwigwa f n I shall rot with it 

Similarly : 

hil%V w he jumped having it, for *hiliuV w (stem biliu-) 
wil%V w he proceeded with it, for *wiliuV w (stem wiliu-) 

Observe that, while the diphthong iu is monophthongized, the orig- 
inal quantity is kept, i being compensatively lengthened to li. In the 
various forms of the verb yeu- return, such dissimilation, wherever 
possible, regularly takes place: 

yeV w he returned with it, for *yeuY w ( = yeii- gw- Y) 
me £ yep* come back! (pi.), but sing. me £ yeu 
ye e ba' £ let us return! for *yeuba' £ 

It is interesting to note how this u- dissimilation is directly respon- 
sible for a number of homonyms : 

ye¥ w bite him! 
(al)yep K show it to him! 

A similar dissimilation of an -u- after a long vowel has in all proba- 
bility taken place in the reduplicating verb ld a liwi' £ n i call him by 
name (Jte e la'usi he calls me by name) from * lduliwi /£ n (* leula'usi) . 

§ 8. I- UMLAUT 

Probably the most far-reaching phonetic law touching the Takelma 
vowels is an assimilatory process that can be appropriately termed 
"i- umlaut." Briefly stated, the process is a regressive assimilation 
of a non-radical -a- to an -i-, caused by an -i- (-&-) in an immediately 
following suffixed syllable, whether the -i- causing the umlaut is an 
original -i-, or itself umlauted from an original -a-; the -i- of the 
§§ 7-8 



boasI HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 25 

pronominal endings -hi- thee, -si- he to me, -xi- he me, fails to 
cause umlaut, nor does the law operate when the -i- is immediately 
preceded by an inorganic Ji. The following forms will make the 
applicability of the rule somewhat clearer : 

wak!ayayini ,£ n I caused him to grow with it (but 7c!ayayana' £ n 
I caused him to grow, with preserved -a-, because of following 
-a' £ n, not -i' £ n) 

wakleyeya'nxi he caused me to grow with it 

wok lay ay a 'nxbi £ n I caused thee to grow with it 

%yulu r yili £ n I rub it (from -yali £ n) 

lyulu'yaThi he rubs it 

It should be carefully noted that this i- umlaut never operates on a 
radical or stem-vowel, a fact that incidentally proves helpful at times 
in determining how much of a phonetic complex belongs to the stem, 
and how much is to be considered as belonging to the grammatical 
apparatus following the stem. In: 

wa a giwi /£ n I brought it to him (from -awi /£ n; cf. wa a ga'sbi £ n 
I brought it to you) 

the -a- following the g is shown to be not a part of the aoristic stem 
wa a g- by the i- umlaut that it may undergo; on the other hand, the 
corresponding future shows an un-umlauted -a- : 

wagawi'n I shall bring it to him 
so that the future stem must be set down as waga-, as is confirmed by 
certain other considerations. 

It would take us too far afield to enumerate all the possible cases 
in which i- umlaut takes place ; nevertheless, it is a phenomenon of 
such frequent recurrence that some of the more common possibilities 
should be listed, if only for purposes of further illustration : 

(1) It is caused by the aoristic verb suffix -l l - denoting position: 

s'as'inl he stands (cf. s'a f s-ant K a a he will stand) 
tlobigl he lies as if dead (cf. future t!obaga'sda a ) 

(2) By an element -i- characteristic of certain nouns, that is added 
to the absolute form of the noun before the possessive pronominal 
endings : 

hu u biniYJc K my arm (cf. bu u ba y n arm) 
fga'lfgilixdeV my belly (for * fgalfgali-) 

(3) By the common verbal "instrumental" vow T el -i-, which, for 
one reason or another, replaces the normal pre-pronominal element 

I 8 



26 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-a-, and often serves to give the verb an instrumental force. This 
instrumental -i- may work its influence on a great number of preceding 
elements containing -a-, among which are: 

(a) The -a- that regularly replaces the stem-vowel in the second 
member of a duplicated verb : 

al%t'haga'fbigi e n I beat him (cf. -Vbaga't'baV he beat him) 
ts'!ele'ts'!ili £ n I rattle it (cf. ts'!ele'ts'!al7ri he rattles it) 
ismili' 'smili £ n I swing it (cf. Ismi'lsmal swing it!) 

(b) The causative element -an-: 

wap!a a gini' £ n I cause him to swim with it (cf. p!a a gana' £ n I cause 
him to swim) 
See above: 

wak!ayayini /£ n I cause him to grow 

(c) The element -an- added to transitive stems to express the idea 

of FOR, IN BEHALF OF I 

wat!omomini /£ n I kill it for him with it (cf . t!omomana' £ n I kill it 
for him) 

(d) The pronominal element -am-, first personal plural object: 
alxl H ximi £ s one who sees us (cf . alxi^xam he sees us) 

4. By the suffixed local element -dl l on top of added to the demon- 
strative pronoun ga that to form a general local postposition: 

gidl* on top of it, over (so and so) 
Compare the similarly formed: 

gada y V above 

gada s l among 
and others. 

5. By the pronominal element -%g- {-iV) , first personal plural subject 
intransitive : 

tlomoxiniY we kill each other (cf . t!omoxa £ n they kill each other) 
daxinigam we shall find each other (cf . daxan £ tf they will find each 
other) 

This list might be greatly extended if desired, and indeed numerous 
other examples will meet us in the morphology. Examples of a double 
and treble i- umlaut are : 

lo7io u ninini' £ n I caused him to die (i. e., killed him) for him (cf. 

lohd u nana f nhi he killed him for him) 
ik luminininVnic' he will fix it for him (compare %k!u u ma y n he 

fixed it) 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 27 

The semivowel corresponding to i, namely y, is also capable, under 
analogous circumstances, of causing the i- umlaut of a preceding non- 
radical a. Examples are: 

daxoyo'xiya s n (=-xaya £ n) I scare them around; daxoyo'xi (=-xiy 

= -xay) he scares them around 
alHt'ge f it K giya¥ w (=-Vgay-) rolled up 
alhuyu'Jilh ( = -Jiiyx = -hayx) he used to hunt 
saniycf (=sanaya y ) to fight him 

do u mVwiya (=-Vwaya) to kill him; and numerous other infini- 
tives in -Vwiya (=-Vwaya) 

§ 9. K- SOUNDS PRECEDED BY U- VOWELS 

An u- vowel (o, u, il, and diphthongs in -u) immediately preceding a 
~k- sound (i. e., g, F, Jc!, x) introduces after the latter a parasitic -w-, 
which, when itself followed by a vowel, unites with the Jc- sound to 
form a consonant-cluster (gw, Vw, Jc!w, xw), but appears, when stand- 
ing after a (word or syllabic) final F, as a voiceless -* w . The intro- 
duction of the excrescent w simply means, of course, that the labial 
rounding of the u- vowel lingers on after the articulation of the 1c- 
sound, a phonetic tendency encouraged by the fact that the produc- 
tion of the guttural consonant does not, as in the labials and dentals, 
necessitate a readjustment of the lips. A few examples will illustrate 
the phonetic process : 

gelgulugwa f£ n I desire it 

gelgulu s ¥ w he desires it (contrast gelgula'V he desired it, without 

the labial affection of the -V because of the replacement of the 

-u- by an -a-) 
guxwi H his heart 
du u gwi f fgwa her dress 
du¥ w woman's garment 
yo u Jc!wa a his bones 

As also in the upper Chinook dialects (Wasco, Wishram), where 
exactly the same process occurs, the w- infection is often very slight, 
and particularly before u- vowels the -w- is, if not entirely absent, 
at least barely audible : 

yoTc! w oya f$ n I know it 

yo'Vyan I shall know it 
In one very common word the catch seems to be treated as a Jc- sound 
in reference to a preceding u when itself followed by an -I- : 

s'u £ wiU he sits; but 

s'u' s alfd a he will sit 

§ 9 



28 BUREAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY. [bull. 40 

The first form was, for some reason or other, often heard, perhaps 
misheard, as s'i s uU. 

§ 10. INORGANIC a 

It frequently happens in the formation of words that a vowel 
present in some other form of the stem will drop out, or, more accu- 
rately expressed, has never been inserted. Consonant-combinations 
sometimes then result which are either quite impossible in Takelma 
phonetics, or at any rate are limited in their occurrence to certain 
grammatical forms, so that the introduction of an " inorganic" -a-, 
serving to limber up the consonant-cluster, as it were, becomes neces- 
sary. Ordinarily this -a- is inserted after the first consonant; in 
certain cases, after the two consonants forming the cluster. The 
theoretical future of gini'Vde £ i go somewhere should be, for 
example, *gin¥de e ; but, instead of this somewhat difficult form, 
we really get gina'Yde e . That the -a/- is here really inorganic, and 
not a characteristic of the future stem, as was at first believed, is 
clearly shown by the imperative giW (all imperatives are formed 
from the future stem) . Similarly : 

lc!iya'Vde e I shall go, come; aorist, 'k!iyi'Vde £ 

alxikla'IhiY ( = theoretical *dlxik!liV) he kept looking at him; 

aorist first person alxik!ilhi e n I keep looking at him 
Tclema'n make it! (= theoretical *Jc!emri); cf. Jclemna'n I shall 

make it 
hai £ lye e wa'n drive out sickness!; aorist, -yewen he drove out 

sickness 
sgela'ut K e e I shall shout (= theoretic *sgelwfe e ); aorist second 

person, sgelewaY you shouted 

As an example of an inorganic -a- following a consonantic cluster 
may be given: 

wisma'£e e I shall move (stem wism-) ; aorist, wits' limfe 8 1 moved 1 
The exact nature of the processes involved in the various forms given 
will be better understood when stem-formation is discussed. Here 

iSuch an -a may stand as an absolute final; e. g., ba-imasga y start en singing! (stem masg-), aorist 
third person, -mats.Wk'. The form masga K well illustrates the inherent difficulty of delimiting the range of 
a phonetic law without comparative or older historical material to aid in determining what is due to regular 
phonetic development, and what is formed on the analogy of other forms. The final cluster -sk' does occur 
in Takelma; e. g., dink!a s sk* (long object) lay stretched out; so that a phonetic irregularity must exist in 
one of the two forms. Either we should have *ma y sk\ or else *dink!asa y k' or *dink!&sga x is to be expected. 
On closer examination it is found that the -k' in forms like dink!a>slC is a grammatical element added on to 
the future stem dink.'as-; whereas in masga> the -g- belongs in all probability to the stem, and is no added 
suffix; at least is not felt as such. It seems evident, then, that the quas-i-mechanical juxtaposition of 
grammatical elements does not entirely follow the same phonetic lines as organic sound-complexes. 

§ 10 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 29 

it will suffice to say that there are three distinct sorts of inorganic or 
secondary a- vowels: the regular inorganic a first illustrated above, 
inserted between two consonants that would theoretically form a 
cluster; the post-consonantal constant a of certain stems (such as 
wism- above) that would otherwise end in more or less impracticable 
consonant clusters (this -a appears as -i under circumstances to be 
discussed below); and a connecting a employed to join consonantal 
suffixes to preceding consonants (such suffixes are generally directly 
added to preceding vowels or diphthongs). The varying treatment 
accorded these different secondary a vowels will become clearer in 
the morphology. 

§ 11. SIMPLIFICATION" OF DOUBLE DIPHTHONGS 

By a double diphthong is meant a syllable consisting of an ordinary 
diphthong (long or short) followed by a semivowel (y, w) or by I, m, 
or n. Such double diphthongs are ; for instance, aiw, aiw, any, any, 
ain, din, aiw, a a lw; those with initial short vowel, like ain, have, 
like the long diphthongs (e. g. a a n), a quantitative value of 3 morae, 
while those with initial long vowel, like din, have a quantitative value 
of 4 morae and may be termed over-long diphthongs. Double diph- 
thongs may theoretically arise when, for some reason or other, a con- 
necting or inorganic a fails to lighten the heavy syllable by reducing 
it to two (see particularly § 65 for a well-defined class of such cases). 
Double diphthongs, however, are nearly always avoided in Takelma; 
there is evidently a rhythmic feeling here brought into play, a dislike 
of heavy syllables containing three qualitatively distinct sonantic 
elements. 

In consequence of this, double diphthongs are regularly simplified 
by the loss of either the second or third element of the diphthong; 
in other words, they are quantitatively reduced by one mora (the 
simple double diphthongs now have a value of 2 morae, the over- 
long diphthongs 3 morae like ordinary long diphthongs), while 
qualitivetatly they now involve only two sonantic elements. An 
exception seems to be afforded by double diphthongs in -uy (e. g. 
-any), which become dissyllabic by vocalizing the y to i, in other 
words, -any becomes -awi: 

&/awfF he ran fast; cf. ts!&-uya' £ s fast runner, fe/awayaY 

(aorist) you ran fast 
yawi't'e* I shall talk; cf. y&wajaY (aorist) you talked 



30 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The -awi- ( = theoretic -awy-) of these forms is related to the -away- 
of the aorist as the -ilw- of bilwa /£ s jumper to the -iliw- of the aorist 
biliwaY you jumped. 

Such double diphthongs as end in -w (e. g. -aiw, -a a lw) simply 
lose the -w: 

gal eat it! (=*galw); galV he ate it (=*galw¥); compare 
ga-iwa'n I shall eat it 

Other examples of this loss of w are given in § 18, 2. All other 
double diphthongs are simplified by the loss of the second vowel (i, u) 
or consonant (I, m, n); a glottal catch, if present after the second 
vowel or consonant, is always preserved in the simplified form of the 
double diphthong. Examples of simplified double diphthongs with 
initial short vowel are : 

gelhewe'ha, £ n (=*-Aau £ n) I think; compare gelhewe'TiaiU he thinks 
imi'hsL s n ( = *-Aam*n) I sent him; compare imi'^am he sent him 
mo'Zo £ ma £ n ( = *maFn) I stir it up ; mo'Z^man ( = *-maln) I shall 

stir it up; compare parallel forms with connecting a: mo'lo £ - 

mala £ n, mo'Z £ malan, and third person aorist mo'Zo^mal 
ma a nmsL /£ ii (=*-man £ n) I count them; compare damd a nmini' £ n 

(umlauted from -m&n.-i f£ n) I counted them up 
lc!emxa'fe e (=^/emnmTe e ) I shall make; compare Jc!emna /£ s 

maker and i/ema'n make it! (with inorganic a because accent 

is not thrown forward) 
Examples of simplified over-long diphthongs are : 

d^ldi'n ( = *^anW?i) I shall go to him for food; compare 

dMfe e I shall go for food 
el fgelxi* (=*fgel\xi i ) wagon (literally, rolling canoe); compare 

f ge^a^x it rolls 
dat!ag& £ n (=*t!agM £ n) I build a fire; compare datlag&i he builds 

a fire 
lc!eme £ n (=*Jc!emel £ n) I make it; compare Tclemhl he makes it 
oyo £ n ( = *o^/on £ n) I give it; compare third person oyon he gives it 

In the inferential, less frequently passive participle and impera- 
tive, forms of the verb, double diphthongs, except those ending 
in w, generally fail to be simplified. If coming immediately 
before the inferential -V- the double diphthong is preserved, for 
what reason is not evident (perhaps by analogy to other non-aorist 
forms in which the last element of the double diphthong belongs to 
the following syllable) : 

§ 11 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



31 



fe'/aimF (but also ts' /ay am ¥) he hid it; compare fe'/a-ima'ri I 

shall hide it 
oinF he gave it; compare oina'n I shall give it 

If the inferential -¥- does not immediately follow, an inorganic a 
seems to be regularly inserted between the second and third elements 
of the diphthong: 

gelts' I&ya'mxamVna 5 since he concealed it from us 
Examples of other than inferential forms with unsimplified double 
diphthong are: 

ts\ f £LimhaF w hidden 

oin give it! (yet ts' /ay a' m hide it! with inorganic a) 

Consonants (§§ 12-24) 

I 12. System, of Consonants 

The Takelma consonant system is represented in the following 
table : 





Aspirated 
tenuis. 


Voiceless 
media. 


Fortis. 


Spirant. 


Lateral. 


Nasal. 


Labial 


V 


b 


p! 


v. unv. 

W -w 




m 


Dental 


V 


a 


t! 




1 


n 








ts!, ts-! 


S, 8- 










Palatal 








y 


m 




Guttural 


fe' 


9 


k! 


X 






Faucal 






s 


h 











The spirants have been divided into two groups, those on the left- 
hand side of the column (labeled v.) being voiced, while those on the 
right-hand side (labeled unv.) are unvoiced. The rarely occurring 
palatal lateral I (see § 2, footnote) is also voiceless. Every one of the 
consonants tabulated may occur initially, except the voiceless labial 
spirant -* w , which occurs only with 1c at the end of a syllable. Prop- 
erly speaking, -¥ w should be considered the syllabic final of the 
labialized guttural series (Fw, gw, h!w); a consideration of the 
consonant-clusters allowed in Takelma shows that these labialized 
consonants must be looked upon as phonetic units. The catch ( £ ) 
as organic consonant is found only medially and finally; the I only 

§ 12 



32 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

initially. In regard to the pronunciation of the various consonants, 
w, s, y, 7i, I, m, and n do not differ materially from the corresponding 
sounds in English. 

The first two series of stops — tenuis (p\ t' , F) and media (b, d, g) — 
do not exactly correspond to the surd and sonant stops of English or 
French. The aspirated tenues are, as their name implies, voiceless 
stops whose release is accompanied by an appreciable expulsion of 
breath. The voiceless mediae are also stops without voiced articula- 
tion ; but they differ from the true tenues in the absence of aspiration 
and in the considerably weaker stress of articulation. Inasmuch as 
our English mediae combine sonancy with comparatively weak stress 
of articulation, while the tenues are at the same time unvoiced and 
pronounced with decided stress, it is apparent that a series of con- 
sonants which, like the Takelma voiceless mediae, combine weak stress 
with lack of voice will tend to be perceived by an American ear some- 
times (particularly when initial) as surds, at other times (particularly 
between vowels) as sonants. On the other hand, the aspirated tenues 
will be regularly heard as ordinary surd-stops, so that an untrained 
American ear is apt to combine an uncalled-for differentiation with a 
disturbing lack of differentiation. While the Takelma tenuis and 
media are to a large extent morphologically equivalent consonants 
with manner of articulation determined by certain largely mechanical 
rules of position, yet in a considerable number of cases (notably 
as initials) they are to be rigidly kept apart etymologically. Words 
and stems which differ only in regard to the weak or strong stress 
and the absence or presence of aspiration of a stop, can be found 
in great number : 

da a n- ear; fd a n squirrel 

bo u now; p'o u - to blow 

ga that; Ya what 

dl l - on top ; tl 1 - to drift 

bo u d- to pull out hair; p*o u d- to mix 

da a g- to build fire ; dd a g- to find ; fd a g-to cry 
. gai- to eat; Vai- thing, what * 

i These two series of stops are not at all peculiar to Takelma. As far as could be ascertained, the same 
division is found also in the neighboring Chasta Costa, a good example of how a fundamental method of 
phonetic attack may be uniformly spread over an area in which far-reaching phonetic differences of detail 
are found and morphologic traits vary widely. The same series of stops are found also in Yana, in 
northern California. Farther to the east the two series are apparently found, besides a series of true 
sonant stops, in Ponca and Omaha (J. O. Dorsey's p, t, k, and d,), ?). The Iroquois also (as could be 
tested by an opportunity to hear Mohawk) are, as regards the manner of articulating the two series, abso- 
lutely in accord with the Takelma. A more accurate phonetic knowledge of other languages would doubt- 
less show a wide distribution in America of the voiceless media. 

§ 12 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 33 

The fortes (p! } t!, Tc!, ts! [ = ts'!], and £ , which has been put in the 
same series because of its intimate phonetic and morphologic rela- 
tion to the other consonants) are pronounced with the characteristic 
snatched or crackly effect (more or less decided stress of articula- 
tion of voiceless stop followed by explosion and momentary hiatus) 
prevalent on the Pacific coast. From the point of view of Takelma, 
p!, t!, and Jc! are in a way equivalent to p £ , t £ , and Jc £ , respectively, 
or rather to h £ , d £ , and g £ , for the fortes can never be aspirated. 
In some cases it was found difficult to tell whether a fortis, or a voice- 
less stop followed by a glottal stricture, was really heard: 

yap!a s and yap £ a x man 
ga'p!ini y and ga'pHnV two 

In fact, a final tenuis + a catch inserted, as between vowels, to pre- 
vent phonetic amalgamation, regularly become, at least as far as 
acoustic effect is concerned, the homorganic f ortis : 

ak!a y he indeed (=a¥ he + deictic £ a\- cf. ma /£ a K you indeed) 
sakleif you shot him ( = saV he shot him -1- ( £ )eif you are) 
map! a? just you [pi.] (= map' you [pi.] + £ a K ) 

Nevertheless, p £ , t £ , lc £ are by no means phonetically identical with 
p!, t!, Jc!; in Yana, for instance, the two series are etymologically, as 
well as phonetically, distinct. One difference between the two may 
be the greater stress of articulation that has been often held to be 
the main characteristic of the fortes, but another factor, at least as 
far as Takelma (also Yana) is concerned, is probably of greater mo- 
ment. This has regard to the duration of the glottal closure. In 
the case of p £ , t £ , and Jc £ the glottis is closed immediately upon release 
of the stop-contact for p, t, and Jc. In the case of p!, t!, and Jc! the 
glottis is closed just before or simultaneously with the moment of con- 
sonant contact, is held closed during the full extent of the consonant 
articulation, and is not opened until after the consonant release; the 
f ortis p!, e. g., may be symbolically represented as £ p £ (or £ h £ , better 

as £ h £ , i. e., a labial unaspirated stop immersed in a glottal catch). 
As the glottis is closed throughout the whole extent of the fortis 
articulation, no breath can escape through it; hence a fortis conso- 
nant is necessarily unaspirated. This explains why fortes are so apt 
to be misheard as voiceless mediae or even voiced mediae rather than 
as aspirated tenues (p! } e. g., will be often misheard as h rather than 
p). The cracked effect of the fortes, sometimes quite incorrectly 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 -3 S 12 



34 BUKEATT OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

referred to as a click, is due to the sudden opening of the closed cham- 
ber formed between the closed glottis and the point of consonant 
contact (compare the sound produced by the sudden withdrawal of 
a stopper from a closed bottle) ; the hiatus generally heard between 
a fortis and a following vowel is simply the interval of time elapsing 
between the consonant release and the release of the glottal closure. 1 
That the fortis consonant really does involve an initial glottal catch 
is abundantly illustrated in the author's manuscript material by such 
writings as: 

dulu ,£ t!ili £ n == dulu't!ili £ n I stuff it 

du r lH!ilin = dv/lt!ilin I shall stuff it 

leme f£ 7c!ia-uda £ = leme r l:!ia-uda £ as they go off 
Many facts of a phonetic and morphological character will meet us 
later on that serve to confirm the correctness of the phonetic analysis 
given (see §13, end; also §§ 30,4; 40,6; 40,13a, p. 113; 40,13b). Here 
it is enough to point out that p!, t!, ~k!, is'! are etymologically related 
to h, d, g, s' as are is , u£ , £ l, £ m, £ n to i, u, I, m, n. 

There is no tenuis or media affricative {ts — dz; ts', tc — dz-, dj) corre- 
sponding in Takelma to the fortis ts!, ts! 3 though it seems possible 
that it originally existed but developed to x (cf. yegwexi they bite 
me [upper Takelma yegwe'tci]; ts'li'xi dog [from original *ts- tits'iP]) . 
Morphologically ts!, ts'! stand in the same relation to s, s- that p!, t!, 
and Tc! stand in to b, d, g. For example, 
Aorist stems : 

Uomom- kill, pUigiig- start (war, basket), k!olol- dig— are related 
to their corresponding 
Future stems : 

do u m-, bu^g-, goH-, — as are the 
Aorist stems: 

ts'fadad- mash, ts'telel- paint — to their corresponding 
Future stems : 

s'd a d-, s'e e l- 
Of the other consonants, only x, - w , and s, s' call for remark, x is 
equivalent to the ch of German dach, though generally pronounced 
further forward (x). It frequently has a w tinge, even when no 
it- vowel or diphthong precedes, particularly before i; examples are 
Tid , px w i child and 7iax w iya? (ordinarily 7iaxiya y ) m the water. -Y w , 

i Doctor Goddard writes me that an examination of tracings made on the Eousselot machine leads 
to substantially the same phonetic interpretation of the fortes as has been given above. 

2 See Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon, American Anthropologist, n. s., ix, 257. 

§ 12 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 35 

in which combination alone, as we have seen, - <w occurs, is the 
aspirated tenuis F followed by a voiceless labial continuant approxi- 
mately equivalent to the wh of English which, more nearly to the 
sound made in blowing out a candle, s is the ordinary English s as 
in sell; while s m is employed to represent a sibilant about midway in 
place of articulation between s and c (= sli in English shell), the 
fortes ts! and U'l corresponding, respectively, in place of articulation 
to s and s\ The two sounds s and s' have been put together, as it 
is hardly probable that they represent morphologically distinct 
sounds, but seem rather to be the limits of a normal range of varia- 
tion (both sal- with foot and s'dl-, e. g., were heard). The only 
distinction in use that can be made out is that s occurs more fre- 
quently before and after consonants and after £ : 

s'a's'anVe e I shall stand 

ogu's'i he gave it to me, but ogu'sbi he gave it to you 

lb u s'% H his plaything 110.6 

Uasgi'n I shall touch it 

le e psi x feathers 

yols steel-head salmon 

ha-uhana' £ s it stopped (raining) 

§ 13. Final Consonants 

By a "final" consonant will always be meant one that stands at 
the end of a syllable, whether the syllable be the last in the word or 
not. Such a final position may be taken only by the aspirated tenues ? 
the voiceless spirants, the catch, the liquid (Z) , and the nasals, not by 
the voiceless mediae, fortes, and semivowels (y and w) ; Ti occurs as 
a final only very rarely : 

la y 7i excrement 

lo~hlaha s n¥ he always caused them to die 
A final semivowel unites with the preceding vowel to form a diph- 
thong : 

gayaH he ate it (cf . gayawa /£ n I ate it) 

gal grow! (cf. ga a ya ,£ f he will grow) 
A final voiceless media always turns into the corresponding aspirated 
surd; so that in the various forms of one stem a constant alternation 
between the two manners of articulation is brought about : 

se e ba' £ n I roasted it; sep K he roasted it 

xebe ,£ n he did it; xep % ga £ I did it 

xuduma'lda £ n I whistle to him; xuduma'lt\ xuduma'W gwa he 
whistles to him 

t!ayaga ,£ n I found it; t!aya y ¥ he found it, da¥na £ since he 
found it 

§ 13 



36 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

A final fortis also becomes the corresponding aspirated surd (-ts! 
becoming - £ s), but with a preceding catch by way of compensation 
for the loss of the fortis character of the consonant. This process is 
readily understood by a reference to the phonetic analysis of the fortes 
given above (§ 12). Final p!, for instance, really £ b( £ ), is treated in 
absolutely parallel fashion to a final b; the final media implied in 
the pi must become an aspirated surd (this means, of course, that 
the glottal closure is released at the same time as the stop, not sub- 
sequently, as in the ordinary fortis), but the glottal attack of the £ b 
still remains. Examples are: 

wasga'pHn I shall make it tight; wasga' £ p* make it tight 
¥ap!a f ¥ap K na £ n I throw them under (fire, earth) ; future, Ya £ p K - 

Ya'p K nan 
~ba a xo f t!an I shall win over him; bd a xo' £ f win over him! ba a xo' £ fga £ 

I won over him 
alxi'lclin I shall see him; alxl ,£ ¥ see him! (contrast alxi fi gi £ n I 

saw him; alxl^Y he saw him) 
lia £ wlJia f nts!in I shall cause it to stop (raining) ; Jia £ wiha r n £ s 

make it stop raining! 
no'tslafgwan next door to each other; no' u£ s' next door 
~ha £ imi'ts!adan t!eimi ,£ s six times 100; Jia s imi /£ s six 

Consonant Combinations (§§ 14-17) 

§ 14. GENERAL REMARKS 

Not all consonant combinations are allowable in Takelma, a cer- 
tain limited number of possibilities occurring initially, while a larger 
number occur as finals. Medial combinations, as we shall see (§17), 
are simply combinations of syllabic final consonants or permissible 
consonant combinations and syllabic initial consonants or permis- 
sible consonant combinations. 

§ 15. INITIAL COMBINATIONS 

If, as seems necessary, we regard gw as a single labialized consonant, 
the general rule obtains that no combinations of three or more con- 
sonants can stand at the beginning of a word or syllable. The fol- 
lowing table shows all the initial combinations of two consonants 
possible in Takelma, the first members of the various combinations 
being disposed in vertical columns and the second members, with 
which the first combine, being given in horizontal lines. Examples 
fill the spaces thus mapped out. Inasmuch as the mediae and fortes, 

§§ 14-15 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



37 



the liquid, nasals, semivowels, and h never appear, or with very few 
exceptions, as the first members of initial combinations, it was not con- 
sidered necessary to provide for them in the horizontal row. Simi- 
larly the tenues and fortes never occur as second members of initial 
combinations. A dash denotes non-occurrence. 





1>' 


t' 


k' 


s 


X 


b 




t'b&ag- hit 





sbin beaver 


? 


d 










s-do'i s-dagwa- put on style 


xdelt' flute 


9 




t'geib- roll 





sgi'si coyote 


■ 


gw 




Vgwa^ thunder 





sgwinP raccoon 





s 

X 


} 










■ 





I 










? 


xliwi war feathers 


m 




t'mila y px smooth 





sma-im- smile 


? 


n 










s-na mamma! 


xni y k' acorn mush 


y 
















w 




t'wap.'at'wap'- blink 


[fc* waa gw- 
awaken] 


swat'g- pursue 


? 



It will be noticed that only f (p* and ¥ were given mainly for 
contrast) and the two voiceless spirants s and x combine with fol- 
lowing consonants (Fw- is not to be analyzed into ¥ +w, but is to be 
regarded as a single consonant, as also gw- and Jc!w-, both of which 
frequently occur as initials) ; furthermore that s, x, and y never com- 
bine with preceding consonants. The general law of initial combi- 
nation is thus found to be: tenuis (f) or voiceless spirant (s, x) + 
media (b, d, g) or voiced continuant (J, m, n, w). 1 Of the combina- 
tions above tabulated, only fb- fg-, sb-, sg-, and perhaps sgw- and 
sw-, can be considered as at all common, t K m-, fw-, sd-, s?i-, xd~, 
xl-, and xn- being very rare, si-, sb-, xm-, and xw- have not been 
found, but the analogy of xl- for the first, and of sb-, sm-, and sw- 
f or the others, make it barely possible that they exist, though rarely ; 
there may, however, be a distinct feeling against the combination 
x+ labial (b, m, w). 

Only two cases have been found of f ortis or media + consonant : 

tlwe'ple'tfwa'px they fly about without lighting; future dwep- 
dwa f/ pxda a 

This may possibly serve to explain why the affricative ts- (to correspond to ts\') is not found in Takelma. 

§ 15 



38 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



§ 16. FINAL COMBINATIONS 



[bull. 40 



Final consonant combinations are limited in possibility of occur- 
rence by the fact that only aspirated tenues and voiceless spirants 
(p\ t\ F, V w y s, and x) can stand- as absolute finals after other con- 
sonants. The following table will give examples of all final combi- 
nations of two or three consonants that have been discovered in the 
available material. 





V' 


V 


k' 


1 


m 


n 


• 


X 


V' 





dt'p'yeare 


- 


&elp' swan 





s-a's-anp' 

stand! (pi.) 








V 








- 


sgelewa'lt' he 
snouted to him 


ts.'elela'mV 
he paints it 


p /a 'ant' his 
liver 








k' 


zep'k'hedidit 


p'ima v t'k' 
my sal- 
mon 


- 


a Ik' silver-side 
salmon 


za^mk' grizz- 
ly bear 


douma^nk' 
he will 
kill him 


mlla^sk' 
he loved 
her 


k'wd'a e xk' 
he's awake 


li'w 








- 


l'gwe y lk' w rat 


? 


yank'* he 
took it 
along 








p'k' 








- 


«-tt' £ alp'k' he 
sat 





se'nsanp'k' 
he whooped 








t-r 








- 


doumaWk.' my 
testicles 


xaaZc^mt'k' 
my urine 


bilgaWk' 
my breast 








s 


Za x ps blanket 





- 


6Hs moss 


gums blind 


p.'e^ns 
squirrel 










t'geya y -px round 





- 


t'geeya^lx i t 
rolls 


ya^mx grease 


banx hun- 
ger 








xk' 


desipxk' i t 
closed 





- 


gii'lk.'alxk' it 
was blazing 


dats- /d v mxk' 
it hurt 


ugwa^nxk' 
he drank 








px 








- 


s^ilpx warm 
your back! 





? 









No examples of -m¥ w and -npx have been found, but the analogy 
of -Ipx makes the existence of the latter of these almost certain (I and 
n are throughout parallel in treatment) ; the former (because of the 
double labial; cf. the absence of -mp') is much less probable, despite 
the analogy of -W w and -n¥ w . It is possible also that -lsk\ -msV, 
and -nsV exist, though their occurrence can hardly be frequent. Of 
final clusters of four consonants -n£p¥ has been found in s'a's'antpV 
he stood, but there can be small doubt that the -t- is merely a dental 
tenuis glide inserted in passing from the dental nasal to the labial 
tenuis; compare the morphologically analogous form se'nsanpY he 
whooped. However, the combinations -IpxV and -wpxV (if -npx 
exists), though not found in the available material, very probably 
ought to be listed, as they would naturally be the terminations of 
morphologically necessary forms (cf. des'ipxk*). Most, if not all, of 

§ 16 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES TAKELMA 39 

the preceding final combinations may furthermore be complicated by 
the addition of £ , which is inserted before the first tenuis or voiceless 
spirant of the group, i. e., after a possible liquid or nasal: 

u' i£ s'¥ he laughed 
¥o' £ px dust, ashes. 
ts'!u'n £ s (deerskin) cap 

As compared to the initial combinations, the table of final clusters 
seems to present a larger number of possibilities. It is significant, 
however, that only those that consist of Z, m, or n + single consonant 
can ever be looked upon as integral portions of the stem (such as 
xcfmV and fgwe y l¥ w ) ; while those that end in -s can always be sus- 
pected of containing either the verbal suffix -s ( = t + x), or the noun 
and adjective forming element -s. All other combinations are the 
result of the addition of one or more grammatical elements to the 
stem (e. g., s'u' £ alp'¥ = s'u £ al- + p % + ¥) . Further investigation shows 
that only two of the combinations, -fp' (second personal plural sub- 
ject aorist) and -f¥ (first personal singular possessive) are suffixal 
units; though -f p K might be ultimately analyzed into -f (second per- 
sonal singular subject aorist) + -p\ It is interesting to note that 
these clusters are at the same time the only ones, except fgw-, allowed 
initially, t'b- and fg-. The constitution of the Takelma word-stem 
may thus be formulated as 

tenuis (or voiceless spirant) + media (or voiced continuant) + 
vowel (or diphthong) + liquid or nasal + stop (fortis or 
media — tenuis), 

any or all of the members of which skeleton may be absent except 
the vowel; Ji may also be found before the vowel. 

§ 17. MEDIAL COMBINATIONS 

A medial combination consists simply of a syllabically final com- 
bination or single consonant + an initial combination or single con- 
sonant, so that theoretically a very large number of such medial 
combinations may occur. Quite a large number do indeed occur, 
yet there is no morphologic opportunity for many of them, such as 
¥-1, np K -m, and numerous others. Examples of medial combinations 
are: 

t!omoma'n-ma £ when he was killed 

Ml¥-na £ when he sang 

da¥-tfgu' u ba £ n I put hollowed object (like hat) on top (as on head) 

§ 17 



40 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The occurrence of such clusters as -Vn- must not for a moment be 
interpreted as a contradiction of the non-occurrence of the same clus- 
ters initially or finally, as they are not, syllabically speaking, clusters 
at all. Had such combinations as, say, -t K gn- (in which -f would be 
the final of one syllable and gn- the initial of the next) occurred, we 
should be justified in speaking of an inconsistency in the treatment 
of clusters; but the significant thing is, that such clusters are never 
found. A Takelma word can thus ordinarily be cut up into a definite 
number of syllables : 

galVna £ when he ate it ( = gaiV-na £ ) 
yo'Yyan I shall know it ( = yo'V-yan) 

but these syllables have only a phonetic, not necessarily a morpho- 
logic value (e. g., the morphologic division of the preceding forms is 
respectively gai-Y-na £ and yoYy-an). The theory of syllabification 
implied by the phonetic structure of a Takelma word is therefore at 
complete variance with that found in the neighboring Athapascan 
dialects, in which the well-defined syllable has at least a relative 
morphologic value, the stem normally consisting of a distinct syllable 
in itself. 

One important phonetic adjustment touching the medial combina- 
tion of consonants should be noted. If the first syllable ends in a 
voiceless spirant or aspirated surd, the following syllable, as far as 
initial stops are concerned, will begin with a media (instead of aspi- 
rated surd) or aspirated surd + media; i. e., for a cluster of stops in 
medial position, the last can be a media only, while the others are 
aspirated surds. As also in the case of single consonants, this adjust- 
ment often brings about a variation in the manner of articulation 
of the final consonant in the cluster, according to whether its position 
in the word is medial or final. Thus we have: 

xep*ga £ I did it; xep'Y he did it 
Contrast, with constant -Y-: 

alxi' £ Ya £ I saw it; alxi^Y 1 he saw it 
the -g- of the first form and the -Y of the second being the same mor- 
phological element; the -jp K of both forms is the syllabically final h 
of the stem xe e h- do, so that xepga £ stands for a theoretical *xebYa £ , 
a phonetically impossible form. Other examples are : 

i This form is distinct from alxl' e k' look at it!, quoted before. The imperative theoretically = *alxi'k! 
the text form = *alxi'k!k'. 

§ 17 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 41 

ga-iwa'fba s ye shall eat it; gayawaYp* ye ate it 
di'n £ xga £ I (as long object) was stretching out; di'n £ x~k' long object 
was stretching 

Consonant Processes (§ § 18-24) 

§ 18. DROPPING OF FINAL CONSONANTS 

There is a good deal to indicate that the comparatively limited 
number of possible final consonant-clusters is not a primary condi- 
tion, but has been brought about by the dropping of a number of 
consonants that originally stood at the end. 

1. The most important case is the loss of every final -f that stood 
after a voiceless spirant or aspirated surd. Its former presence in 
such words can be safely inferred, either from morphologically par- 
allel forms, or from other forms of the same stem where the phonetic 
conditions were such as to preserve the dental. Thus gwidW w he 
threw it represents an older reduplicated *gwidi s V w £ ( = gwid-i-gwd-) , 
as proven by the corresponding form for the first person, gwidi'V w da £ n 
I threw it and gwidi'Vdagwa he threw him (122.13). Similarly 
all participles showing the bare verb stem are found to be phonet- 
ically such as not to permit of a final -t\ and are therefore historic- 
ally identical with the other participial forms that show the -f : 

saV shooting ( = *sak t f) 
dox gathering ( = *doxf) 
Jia-t!ulV following in path ( = HluTkY) 
sana y p* fighting ( = *sana y p't*) 
Compare : 

yanaY going 
loJioY dead 
sebeY roasting 
domf having killed 
se'nsantf whooping 
yi v lf copulating with 

The combinations -Y W W (-V w fg-) and -V w fx-, however, seem to 
lose, not the -f-, but the -V w -, whereupon -fV (-fg-) remains, while 
-fx- regularly becomes -s- (see § 20, 2) : 

1ie ee gwidaYV ( =*gwida y V w t K -V , inferential of gwidi¥ w d-) he lostit 
7ie eS gwidaYga s (=*gwida'F w f-ga £ ) I lost it 

xamgwidi' sgwide- (=*gwidi'V w t'-x-gwi- or possibly *gwidi'V w tf- 
gwi-) I drown myself 

§ 18 



42 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

2. Somewhat less transparent is the former existence of a -w after 
consonants. The following examples have been found in the material 
at disposal: 

lot she twined basket ( = *lalw) ; cf . la a lwa f£ n I twine it (that -w 

really belongs to the stem is shown by the forms la a wa'n 

I shall twine it ; leuxi twine it for me !) 
Jclel basket bucket ( = *Jc!elw); cf. Tchhmf* her bucket 
Yal penis ( = *Yalw); cf. Yalw% H his penis. 
sgelel e (=*sgelel £ w) he keeps shouting; cf. sgelewaY you shout, 

sgelwa'lfe e I shall keep shouting 
alsgalYa £ ( =*sgalwYa £ ) I turned my head to one side to look at 

him; cf. alsga a lwi r n I shall turn my head to look at him 
dlsgelelxi (=*sgelelwxi) he keeps turning his head to one side to 

look at me; cf. alsgald a liwi /£ n I keep turning my head to look 

at him, future alsgalwalwi'n 

This process, as further shown by cases like gal eat it! (=*ga/iw), is 
really a special case of the simplification of double diphthongs (see 
§ 11). Perhaps such "dissimulated" cases as ld a - and le e - (for lau- 
and leu-), see § 7, really belong here. 

Other consonants have doubtless dropped off under similar condi- 
tions, but the internal evidence of such a phenomenon is not as 
satisfactory as in the two cases listed. The loss of a final -n is probable 
in such forms as ihegwe'haY™ he works, cf. ihegwe' 7iaV w na £ n i work, 
and ihegwe'7iaY w nana s Y we work. Certain verb-forms would be 
satisfactorily explained as originally reduplicated like gwidW w , if we 
could suppose the loss of certain final consonants : 

gini' £ Y he went somewheres ( = ^gin-i'-^Yn) 

gelguM¥ w he desired it {=^-gul-u K -¥ w T) 
In the case of these examples, however, such a loss of consonants 
is entirely hypothetical. 1 

§ 19. SIMPLIFICATION OF DOUBLE CONSONANTS 

Morphologically doubled consonants occur very frequently in Ta- 
kelma, but phonetically such theoretic doublings are simplified into 
single consonants; i. e., V-\-g become Y or g, and correspondingly 
for other consonants. If one of the consonants is a fortis, the simpli- 
fied result will be a fortis or aspirated surd with preceding catch, 
according to the phonetic circumstances of the case. If one of the 

i Many of the doubtful cases would perhaps be cleared up if material were available from the upper 
dialect, as it shows final clusters that would not be tolerated in the dialect treated in this paper; e. g. 
k'u'Una'ks-t' relatives (cf. Takelma k'winaxdS my kin). 

§ 19 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 43 

~k- consonants is labialized, the resulting Tc- sound preserves the labial 
affection. Examples of consonant simplification are: 

mo'feV my son-in-law ( = mo'f- + -deV) 

laYwoV he gave him to eat ( = lag- + -YwoY) 

dek!iya'Vi e if it goes on (= deJctiya'g- + -¥i £ ) 

Vtfgwa'n I shall fetch them home ( = ll l g- + -gwan) ; cf . aorist 

ligigwa' £ n 
diiJiila'lc !weme £ n I make him glad (= JiilaW™ glad + Jc!eme £ n I 

make him) 

A good example of three ^-sounds simplifying to one is : 
gina¥wi £ if he comes (= ginag-V w -Yi £ ) 

The interrogative element di never unites with the -€ of a second 
person singular aorist, but each dental preserves its individuality, a 
light i being inserted to keep the two apart : 

xemela'fidi do you wish to eat ? ( = xemelaY + di) 

The operation of various phonetic processes of simplification often 
brings about a considerable number of homonymous forms. One 
example will serve for many. From the verb-stem sd a g- shoot are 
derived : 

1. Imperative saV shoot it! 

2. Potential saV he can, might shoot it 

3. Participle saV shooting ( = *salcH K ) 

4. Inferential saV so he shot it ( = *sag-V) 

The corresponding forms of the stem yana- go will bring home the 
fact that we are here really dealing with morphologically distinct 
formations : 

1. yana y go! 

2. yana' £ he would have gone 

3. yanaY going 

4. yana s V so he went 

Another simplification of consonant groups may be mentioned 
here. When standing immediately after a stop, an organic, etymo- 
logically significant ~h loses its individuality as such and unites with a 
preceding media or aspirated tenuis to form an aspirated tenuis, 
with a preceding fortis to form an aspirated tenuis preceded by a 
glottal catch (in the latter case the fortis, being a syllabic final, 
cannot preserve its original form). Thus, for the Jc- series, gorV+Ti 
becomes V , 1c! (or £ ¥) -j-Ji becomes e F; gw or V w +7i becomes Vwj 
Tc!w (or £ V W ) +7i becomes £ Yw. Under suitable conditions of accent 

§ 19 



44 BUKEATT OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

(see § 23) the contraction product V or Vvo may itself become g or 
gw, so that ail trace of the original h seems to be lost. Examples for 
the Tc- sounds are: 

t'gunuVi 5 (=fgunu¥ + quotative -hi £ ) it became warm, it is said 

nagana' a Vi e {=nagana' a£ V + quotative -hi £ ; see § 22) he always 
said, it is said 

gwen-he f Vwa a gw- (= reduplicated he'gw-ha a gw-) relate; with ac- 
cent thrown forward gwen-hegwa fa gw-an-i- (=hegw-ha /a gw-); 
compare, with preserved h, gwen-Jiegwe'Jiagw-an-i tell to 

s'o'wo £ V6p* (=s-o'wo £ V-7iap" = *s'o f wok!-hap") he jumps (6 = 
wa; see § 9) he jumps; compare s'owo'lc!ana £ n I cause him to 
jump 

Similarly, d or V + h becomes t\ t! (or e tf) + h becomes £ f; h or p* +h 
becomes p\ p! (or £ p') +h becomes £ p K : 

gana'Vi (=ganaY + emphatic -hi) of just that sort 

yo't'i (=yoY being + emphatic -hi) alive; compare plural 

yofi'hi 
he e£ sgu' u£ f 6V W {=sgu'H!-haV w ) cut away; compare he e£ sgd f H!an 

I shall cut it away 

s' and x also generally contract with h to s' and x, e. g. : 

no u s'i /£ (=no u£ s' +-hi £ ) next door, it is said. 

§ 20. CONSONANTS BEFORE x 

No stopped consonant or spirant may stand before x, except p. 

The dentals, guttural stops, and sibilants all simplify with x into 

• single sounds; the fortes (including ts!) following the example of 

the ordinary stops and of the s, but leaving a trace in the vicarious £ . 

1. All ~k- sounds (k\ g, lc!, Vw, gw, Jc!w) simply disappear before x 
without leaving any trace of their former existence, except in so far 
as Tel and ~k!w remain as £ ; if a? is followed by a vowel, the w of the 
labialized ^-sounds unites with x to form xw: 

alxl fi xi he saw me ( =al-xi'fg-xi) ; cf. alxl H gi £ n I saw him 
¥wa' a xde £ I awoke (=~k*wd' a gw-x-de £ ); cf.i¥wa /a gwi £ n I woke 

him up 
gelgulu'xbi £ n I like you ( = -gulu' 'gw-x-bi £ n) ; cf. -gulugwa /£ n I 

like him 
ba a dini /£ x (clouds) spread out on high ( =-dini'Jc!-x) ; cf. di'ni7c!a e n 

I stretch it out 
lu £ xwa s to trap ( =luk! w -xa s ) ; cf. lo'Tclwan I shall trap (deer) 
yexwinV ( =yegw-xinV) he will bite me; but yexda £ ( =yegw-x-da £ ) 

you will bite me 
§ 20 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 45 

2. tx always simplifies to s, tlx to £ s. Whether the combination tx 
realty spontaneously developed into s it is naturally impossible to 
say; all that can safely be stated is that, where we should by mor- 
phologic analogy expect t + x, this combination as such never appears, 
but is replaced by s. Examples are numerous : 

lebe'sa £ she sews (=lebe f t-xa £ ); cf., for -f of stem, lebeY she 
. sewed it, for suffix -xa s , lobo'xa £ she pounds 
sgelewa'lsi he shouts to me (=sgelewa f ld-xi); cf. sgelewa/lda £ n I 

shout to him 
ddHbodoba' 'sa £ n they pull out each other's hair, with reduplicated 

stem bodobad- + x- 
xa a fbe /e£ Ffbagams it is all tied together (=-£bagami-x); cf. 

xa a fba ,a gamda £ n I tie it together • 

hansgd' u£ s he cut across, lay over (road) ( =-sgd'H!-x) ; cf . 

Jiansgo f H!an I shall cut it across 

This change of tx to s is brought about constantly in the course of 
word-formation, and will be incidentally exemplified more than once 
in the morphology. 

3. sx simplifies to s, ts!x ( = £ sx) to £ s. Examples are: 

yimi's'a £ he dreams ( =yimi r s'-xa e , with suffix -xa £ as in lobo'xa* 

above 
lfia-uhana f£ s it stopped (raining) (=*-liana' £ sx, stem ~hanats!- + 

-x) 

§ 21. DISSIMILATION" OF n TO / AND m 

If a (generally) final n of a stem is immediately followed, or, less 
commonly, preceded by, a suffix containing a nasal, it dissimilates 
to I. The following examples have been found: 

yalalanaY you lost it (cf. yalnanada' £ you will lose it, with n 

preserved because it forms a consonant-cluster with Z) 
Jia-gwd a l-a s m in the road (cf . gwan road) 

Dldalcfm Grant's Pass (probably =over [di-] the rocks [da K n]) 
xd a la x mf¥ my urine; xala'xam£e £ I urinate (cf. xdn urine) 
ba-is'in-xiflik!wi £ n I blow my nose, with I due to -n of prefix 

snn- nose (cf . xln mucus) 
s'inpi'l £ s flat-nosed, alongside of s'inpi f n £ s 

The possibility of a doublet in the last example shows that the 
prefix s°in- is not as thoroughly amalgamated with the rest of the 
word as are the suffixes ; probably, also, the analogy of forms in -pHrfs 
with other prefixes not containing an n would tend to restore an 
anomalous-sounding s'inp'i'l £ s to -pi'n £ s, 

§ 21 



46 



BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



A suffixed -(a)n dissimilates to -(a)l because of a preceding m in the 
stem: 

s'imiH dew (cf. such nouns as p!iyi s n deer) 
daV-s'b u ma"l on the mountain {s'om mountain) 
do u ma y lt'¥ my testicles (do u m testicles) 

With these compare: 

dd a -ts!d a wa y n by the ocean (ts!du deep water) 
In xd a -guima y n among oaks, the I immediately preceding the m 
seems to have prevented the dissimilation of the -an to -al. 

It is practically certain that the -am of Jiagwd a la y m, Didala s m, and 
xd a la s mCV is at bottom phonetically as well as functionally identical 
with the suffix -an (-al), seen in xd a -gulma y n (gulu'm oak) and day- 
s' o u ma y l, and rests on a second dissimilation of the nasal lingual (n) 
of the suffix to a labial nasal (m), because of the lingual (I) of the 
stem. The history of a word like 7iagwd a la y m is in that event as 
follows : An original *hagwd a na y n in the road (stem gwd a n- + nominal 
characteristic -an) becomes first *liagwd a la s n by the dissimilation of 
the first n because of the following n, then Jiagwd a la y m by the dissimi 
lation of this second n because of the preceding I. Similarly Didala y m 
and xd a la y mf¥ would go back to *D%dana s n and *xd a na^nfV respec- 
tively ; with the second form compare the reduplicated verb xala'xam- 
( = *xanaxan-) urinate. The probability of such a dissimilation of 
n to m is greatly strengthened by the fact that nearly all nouns with 
an evidently suffixal noun-forming element -(a)m have an Z in the 
stem as compared to an -(a)n of nouns not so affected. Contrast: 



-m 
Jie e Wm board (cf. dVhe'liya 

sleeping on wooden platform) 
ge\& y m river 
tsleWm hail (cf. stem tslel- 

rattle) 
xi\sb K m sick, ghost 

ts'!u y \m wart 1 
JiabiWm empty 



la^'am frog 



-n 
daga, y n turtle 

wigm red lizard 

p!iyi y n deer (-n here as suffix 

shown by p!iya K x fawn) 
yutlu^n white duck (cf. yutl- 

u'yidi e n I eat it greedily) 
yu'xgeni trout 
xdan eel (cf . ~hd £ -xdd' a xdagwa £ n 

I throw something slippery 

far away) 
wo u p!un- eyebrows 



1 No other example of final -Im 
(cf. gulu^m oak). 



known, so that this form was probably misheard for ts'luWm 



§ 21 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 47 

yulvfm eagle (also yuWm is da a - n- ear 

found) 

gulvfm oak bebe x n rushes 

Fulum fish (sp.?) ga'JcI&n house ladder 

legem- kidney gwitl'm- wrist 

It should not be concealed that a few words (such as Jiillun ocean, 
t!aga y m lake, and yuk!um-a- bones) do not seem to conform to the 
phonetic law implied by the table ; but more exact knowledge of the 
etymology of these and similar words would doubtless show such 
disagreement to be but apparent. It is probable that in delga s n- 
buttocks, bilga^n- breast, and do'Win-i- anus, the g, (¥) im- 
mediately following upon the I prevented the expected dissimila- 
tion of n to m; in le'Vwan- anus the dissimilation was perhaps 
thwarted by a counter-tendency to dissimilate the two labials (¥ w 
and m) that would thus result. *yalan-an- lose (tr.), dissimilated, 
as we have seen, to yalal-an-, fails to be further dissimilated to *ydlal- 
am- because, doubtless, there is a feeling against the obscuring of 
the phonetic form of the causative suffix -an-. The great probability 
of the existence of a dissimilatory tendency involving the change 
of n to m is clinched by the form do'Wim-i- anus alongside of 
do'Win-i-. 

A dissimilation of an original I to n (the reverse of the process first 
described), because of an Z in the stem, is found in 

yilPnma^n I keep asking for it (= original *yili i lma /£ n[l inserted 
as repetition of stem -I- in iterative formation from yilima' £ n 
I ask him]) 

le e ba'nxde £ I am carrying (object not specified) (= original *le e - 
ba'lxde £ ) ; cf . identical suffix -al-x-, e. g., gayawa'lxde £ I eat. 

In u u gwa'nxde £ I drink (stem ugw-), it hardly seems plausible that 
-an-x- is at all morphologically different from the -al {-an) -x- of these 
words, yet no satisfactory reason can be given here for a change 
of the I to n. 

§ 22. CATCH DISSIMILATION 

If to a form with a glottal catch in the last syllable is added a syn- 
tactic (conjunctive) element, itself containing a catch, the first catch 
is lost, but without involving a change in the character of the pitch- 
accent; the loss of the catch is frequently accompanied by a length- 
ening of the preceding vowel (or rather, in many cases, a restoration 
of the original length) . This phonetic process finds its most frequent 

22 § 



48 BUEEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

application in the subordinate form of the third person aorist 
intransitive : 

ya' a da £ when he went (cf . ya /£ he went) 
ginl' i Vda £ when he went to (cf. gini' £ V he went to) 
yawa'ida £ when he spoke (cf . yawa' i£ he spoke) 
loho f ida £ when he died (cf . loho' i£ he died) 

The connectives -hi 6 it is said, and -s-i £ but, and are, in regard to 
this process, parallel to the -da £ of the preceding forms: 

naga'%h% £ he said, it is said (cf. naga' i£ he said) 
no u s'i /£ but, so (he went) next door (cf. no' u£ s' next door), 
a'nis'i £ but not (cf. a'nl £ not) 

£ %'s'is'i £ but no matter how (often) (cf. £ % f s'i £ even if) 
dal £ wl fi s'i £ but some (cf. dal £ wi ,£ sometimes; ~wl H s'i £ is related to 
-wi ,£ as is ya' a da £ to ya f£ ) 

§ 23. INFLUENCE OF PLACE AND KIND OF ACCENT ON MANNER 

OF ARTICULATION 

The general phonetic rule may be laid down that an aspirated surd, 
when not immediately followed by another consonant, can, with com- 
paratively few exceptions, be found as such medially only when the 
accent immediately precedes, provided that no consonant (except in 
certain circumstances I, m, and n) intervene between the accented 
vowel and the aspirated surd; under other conditions it appears 
as a media. This phonetic limitation naturally brings about a con- 
stant interchange between the aspirated surd and the correspond- 
ing media in morphologically identical elements. Thus we have as 
doublets -da and -fa, third person possessive pronoun of certain nouns : 

bemt'sb 3 - his stick 
se /e Zt'a a his writing 
wila'ut* a, a his arrow 
ga'lVa?- his bow 
mo't'a a his son-in-law; but 
dafgax&a, his head 

and numerous other nouns with -x-. This consonant in itself, as we 
have seen, demands a following media. Another pair of doublets is 
-de £ and -fe £ , first person singular subject intransitive aorist (-de e 
and -fe e to correspond in future) : 

pele'xadQ £ I go to fight; p'elxa'Ve e I shall go to war 
yanVe £ I go; yana't'e e I shall go 
nagalVe £ I say; raz/t'e e I shall say 
§ 23 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 49 

but: 

wits- !ismade £ I keep moving; future wits'! 'e'smade e (contrast 

wits' !imt'e £ I move and wisma't*e e I shall move) 
Other examples of interchange are : 

sgo u fsga't*i he cut them to pieces; sgo /u fsgidi £ n I cut them to 

pieces 
ts'!umUmVa £ n I boil it, s'umVan I shall boil it (stem s'u u m-fa-) ; 

s'omoda' £ n I boil it, s'omda'n I shall boil it (evidently related 

stem s'om-d-) 
S'as'inipiV we stand; e e Wk % we are 

This phonetic rule must not be understood to mean that a media 
can never appear under the conditions given for the occurrence of a 
surd. The various grammatical elements involved are not all on 
one line. It seems necessary to assume that some contain a surd as 
the primary form of their consonant, while others contain an organic 
media. The more or less mechanical changes in manner of articula- 
tion, already treated of, have had the effect, however, of so inextri- 
cably interlocking the aspirated surds and mediae in medial and 
final positions that it becomes difficult to tell in many cases which 
manner of articulation should be considered the primary form of the 
consonant. Some of the medially occurring elements with primary 
tenuis are: 

-fa, third person possessive 

-fa, exclusive (as in ~k!wa'lfa }^oung, not old; younger one) 

-fe £ , first person intransitive aorist (future, -fe e ) 

-fe¥, first person singular possessive (as in ga'lfeV my bow) 

Such elements show an aspirated consonant whether the preceding 
accent be rising or falling; e. g., bemfa like Jie ,e lfa. Some of those 
with primary media are: 

-da, third person possessive with preceding preposition (corre- 
sponding not to first person -feV, -dek K , but to -de) 
-a'ld- and -a'md- indirect object 
-da £ , subordinating element 

This second set regularly keep the media whether the accent imme- 
diately precedes or not. The first two of these generally, if not 
always, require the preceding accent to be a falling one: 

daVwill fi da on his house 
Jiafgd /a da in his country 
xa a sa'lda between his toes 
x&lia'mda on his back 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 4 § 23 



50 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 4.0 

Tiawa'nda under him 
sgelewa'lda £ n I shout to him 
ts!elela'mda £ n I paint it 

The third retains its primary character as media when the preceding 
verb form has the falling accent : 

yewe f ida £ when he returned 
naga'-ida £ when he said 
baxa'mda £ when he came 
liele'ldtf when he sarig 
xehe f nda £ when he did it 

On the other hand it appears as an aspirate tenuis when preceded by 
the rising accent : 

ld a lefa £ as it became 
s'as'inifa £ when he stood 

The rule first given, when interpreted in the light of a reconstructed 
historical development, would then mean that a rising accent preserved 
an immediately following aspirated surd (including always those 
cases in which I, m, or n intervened), and caused the change of a 
media to an aspirated surd; while a falling accent preserved a simi- 
larly situated media or aspirated surd in its original form. That the 
change in the phonetic circumstances defined of an original media to 
an aspirated surd is indeed conditioned by a preceding rising accent, 
is further indicated by such rather uncommon forms as hadedil-tfa 
everywheres. Here the -ta is evidently the same as the -da of 
liawili H da in his house, and the difference in manner of articulation 
is doubtless in direct relation to the difference of accent. 

A modification of the general phonetic rule as first given remains 
to be mentioned. After I, m, or n an original aspirated tenuis retains 
its aspiration even if the accent falls on the preceding syllable but 
one; also after a short vowel preceded by Z, m, or n, provided the 
accented vowel is short. Examples are : 

alwe f ~k!alVe e I shall shine; alwe'lclal^igam we shall shine; alw^'- 

~k!alk*wa to shine 
Fe'p'altV I shall be absent; Ve'p'alk^wa to be absent 
wulii'Tiamt' ''e £ I have menstrual courses for the first time 
xala,'xamt*e £ I urinate 
1'mliamk'arri he was sent off (i is short, though close in quality; 

contrast domhigam he was killed) 
imi'7w,mk*wit* he sent himself 
§ 23 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 51 

ts'!um\\'ts'!amVa £ n I always boil it (cf. s'omoda' £ n I boil it) 
s'&'s.ant*e e I shall stand; s'Si's'aiyp'igam we shall stand; s'aVan- 

k*wa to stand 
sene, f sanV e £ I whoop; se'nsant'e e I shall whoop 
de%wi n gank*wide s I spread (it) out for myself 
dasga,']it*d a (grain) will lie scattered about 

With -fd a and -fe £ above contrast the morphologically identical ele- 
ments -dd a and -de 6 of the following examples, in which the same 
accentual condition prevails but with a consonant other than Z, m, or n 
preceding the affected dental: 

t K ge'its'!idd a (round object) will He (there) 
s'u'Vdidd a (string) will lie curled up 

daWek!e f xade £ I smoke (but future -xa f Ve e because of immedi- 
ately preceding accent) 

§24. INOBGANIC h 

Whenever two morphologically distinct vowels come together 
within the word (verbal prefixes and postposed particles, such as 
deictic -a\ are not considered as integral parts of the word) , the first 
(accented) vowel is separated from the second by an " inorganic" -Ti-\ 

tt!ana'7ii e n I hold it (aorist stem t Ian a- + instrumental -i-), but 
future Ulani'n (stem tfan-) 

daV-da-liala'liin I shall answer him (future stem hala- + instru- 
mental -i-), but aorist daV-da-hd a li ,£ n (stem 7ia a l-) 

This inorganic Ji is found also immediately following an m, n, or Z 
preceded by the accent: 

wayanha £ n I put him to sleep (cf. same form with change of 

accent wa-ya a na /£ n) 
dd a£ agdnhi £ n I used to hear about it (cf . -agani /£ n I hear it) 
UwilJiaufe £ I kept looking (cf. liw%la r uCe £ I looked) 
xa-it' glHt' ga'Thi he broke it in two (cf. with identical -i- suffix 

xa a salfgwi'lt*gwili he broke [somebody's arm] by stepping) 
I'mhamVam he was sent off (also in aorist stem imiJiam-) 
wadomJiiV he killed him with it (stem do u m- + -i-) 

It will be observed that the insertion of the 7i is practically the same 
phonetic phenomenon as the occurrence of an aspirated tenuis instead 
of a media after an accented vowel. The vowel, nasal, or liquid may 
appropriately enough be considered as having become aspirated under 
the influence of the accent, just as in the case of the mediae. 

§ 24 



52 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

MORPHOLOGY (§§ 25-114) 
§ 25. Introductory 

Takelma conforms to the supposedly typical morphology of Amer- 
ican languages in that it is thoroughly incorporating, both as regards 
the pronominal, and, though somewhat less evidently, the nominal 
object. If by " polysynthetic" is merely meant the introduction into 
the verb-complex of ideas generally expressed by independent ele- 
ments (adverbs or the like), then Takelma is also polysynthetic, yet 
only moderately so as compared with such extreme examples of the 
type as Eskimo or Kwakiutl. The degree of intimacy with which 
the pronominal objective elements on the one hand, and the nominal 
objective and polysynthetic (instrumental and local) elements on the 
other, are combined with the internal verb-structure is decidedly 
different. The former combine as suffixes to form an indissoluble 
part, as it were, of the verb-form, the subjective elements of the 
transitive verb, though in themselves absolutely without independent 
existence, being secondarily attached to the stem already provided 
with its pronominal object. The latter vary in degree of independ- 
ence ; they are strung along as prefixes to the verb, but form no integral 
part of its structure, and may, as far as grammatical coherence is 
concerned, fall away entirely. 

The polysynthetic character of the Takelma verb (and by discuss- 
ing the verb we touch, as so frequently in America, upon the most vital 
element of the sentence) seems, then, a comparatively accidental, 
superimposed feature. To use the term " polysynthetic " as a catch- 
word for the peculiar character of Takelma, as of many another 
American language, hardly hits the core of the matter. On the other 
hand, the term " incorporation," though generally of m<3re value as a 
classificatory label than "polysynthesis," conveys information rather 
as to the treatment of a special, if important, set of concepts, than 
as to the general character of the process of form-building. 

If we study the manner in which the stem unites in Takelma with 
derivative and grammatical elements to form the word, and the vocalic 
and consonantic changes that the stem itself undergoes for gram- 
matical purposes, we shall hardly be able to find a tangible difference 

§ 25 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 53 

in general method, however much the details may vary, between 
Takelma and languages that have been dignified by the name "inflec- 
tional." It is generally said, in defining inflection, that languages 
of the inflectional as contrasted with those of the agglutinative type 
make use of words of indivisible psychic value, in which the stem and 
the various grammatical elements have entirely lost their single indi- 
vidualities, but have "chemically" (!) coalesced into a single form- 
unit; in other words, the word is not a mere mosaic of phonetic 
materials, of which each is the necessary symbol of some special 
concept (stem) or logical category (grammatical element) . 

In support of the actual existence of this admired lack of a one- 
to-one correspondence between a grammatical category and its pho- 
netic expression is often quoted the multiplicity of elements that 
serve to symbolize the same concept; e. g., Lat. -I, • ae, -a, -es, -us, all 
indicate that the idea of a plurality of subjects is to be associated 
with the concrete idea given by the main body of the words to 
which they are attached. Furthermore, variability of the stem or 
base itself is frequently adduced as a proof of its lack of even a 
relative degree of individuality apart from the forms from which 
by analysis it has been abstracted; e. g., German bind-, band-, bund-, 
band-, biind-. These two characteristics are very far indeed from 
constituting anything like a definition of inflection, but they are 
often referred to as peculiar to it, and hence may well serve us as 
approximate tests. 

As regards the first test, we find that just such a multiplicity of 
phonetic symbols for the same, or approximately the same, concept, 
is characteristic of Takelma. The idea of possession of an object by 
a person or thing other than the speaker or person addressed is 
expressed by -xa, -a, -da (-fa),+f, or -,all of which are best rendered 
by his, hek, its, their (the ideas of gender and number do not 
here enter as requiring grammatical expression) . Similarly, the idea 
of the person speaking as subject of the action or state predicated 
by the main body of the verb is expressed by the various elements 
-fe e (-de £ ), -fe e (-de e ), - s n, -n, -¥a £ (-ga £ ), all of which are best ren- 
dered in English by "I." -fe £ is confined to the aorist of intransi- 
tive verbs; -fe e is future intransitive; - £ n is aorist transitive; -n is 
future transitive; and -Va £ is used in all inferential forms, whether 
transitive or intransitive. 

§ 25 



54 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

As for the second test, it soon appears that the Takelma stem may 
undergo even more far-reaching changes than we are accustomed to 
in German or Greek. As examples may serve : 

do u m-, difim-, tlomom- (t!omo u -), t!ilmu' a - kill 
na a g-, ne e -, nagcb-, nege- say to 

The first form in each of these sets is the verb-stem, properly speak- 
ing, and is used in the formation of all but the aorist forms. The 
second is employed in non-aorist forms when the incorporated object 
of the verb is a first person singular, and in several derivative forma- 
tions. The third is characteristic of the aorist. The fourth is used 
in the aorist under the same conditions as determine the use of the 
second form of the stem in other groups of forms. It needs but a 
moment's thought to bring home the general psychic identity of such 
stem-variability and the " ablaut" of many German verbs, or the 
Latin stem-variation in present and perfect : 

frang- :freg- break 
da- : ded- give 

If the typical verb (and, for that matter, noun) form of Takelma is 
thus found to be a firm phonetic and psychic unit, and to be charac- 
terized by some of the supposed earmarks of inflection, what is left 
but to frankly call the language "inflectional' ' ? " Polysynthetic' ' and 
"incorporative" are not in the slightest degree terms that exclude 
such a designation, for they have reference rather to the detailed 
treatment of certain groups of concepts than to morphologic method. 
Everything depends on the point of view. If chief stress for purposes 
of classification is laid on the relative importance and fulness of the 
verb, Takelma is polysynthetic; if the criterion of classification be 
taken to be whether the verb takes the pronominal object within its 
structure or not, it is incorporating; if, finally, stress be laid on the 
general method of building up the word from smaller elements, it is 
inflective. Not that Takelma is in the least thereby relegated to a 
peculiar or in any way exceptional position. A more objective, un- 
hampered study of languages spoken in various parts of the world 
will undoubtedly reveal a far wider prevalence than has been gener- 
ally admitted of the inflectional type. The error, however, must not 
be made of taking such comparatively trivial characteristics as sex 
gender, or the presence of cases, as criteria of inflection. Inflection 
has reference to method, not to subject-matter. 

§ 25 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 55 

Grammatical Processes (§§ 26-32) 

§ 26, General MemarJcs 

There are four processes employed in Takelma for purposes of 
grammatical modification and word-formation: affixation (pre-, in-, 
and suffixation) , reduplication, vocalic change (ablaut), and conso- 
nant change (consonant ablaut). Pitch-accent is of grammatical 
importance, but is most probably a product of purely phonetic 
causes. Of the processes mentioned, suffixation is by far the most 
important, while the presence of infTxation will have to be allowed or 
denied according to the definition given of it. 

§ 27, Pre/location 

Prefixation is either of the loose polysynthetic type already referred 
to, or of the more firmly knit inflective type. Loose prefixation is 
extremely common, nominal objects, instruments, and local ideas of 
one kind or another finding admittance into the word-complex, as 
we have seen, in this manner. Examples of such loose prefixation are : 

gwen- £ a f l-yowo £ he looked back (gwen- in back; al- is difficult to 
define, but can perhaps be best described as indicative of action 
away from one's self, herewith clear implication of sight directed 
outward; yowo ,£ he was, can be used as independent word) 

s'in-i-lats!agi' £ n I touched his nose (s'in- nose; I- with hand; 
lats!agi f£ n I touched him, as independent word) 

gwenfge^m black necked (gwen- nape, neck; fge y m black) 

The first example shows best the general character of loose prefixa- 
tion. The prefixed elements gwen-, al-, S'in-, and %- have no separate 
existence as such, yet in themselves directly convey, except perhaps 
al-, a larger, more definitely apperceived, share of meaning than falls 
to the lot of most purely grammatical elements. In dealing with 
such elements as these, we are indeed on the borderland between 
independent word and affix. The contrast between them and gram- 
matical suffixes comes out strongest in the fact that they may be 
entirely omitted without destroying the reality of the rest of the 
word, while the attempt to extract any of the other elements leaves 
an unmeaning remainder. At the same time, the first example well 
illustrates the point that they are not so loosely attached but that 
they may entirely alter the concrete meaning of the word. Pre- 
fixation of the inflective type is very rare. There is only one 

SS 26-27 



56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY f bull. 40 

such prefix that occurs with considerable frequency, wi-, first person 
singular possessive of nouns of relationship : 

wiJia y m my father 
Tiami'H* your father 

§ 28. Suffixation 

Suffixation is the normal method employed in building up actual 
forms of nouns and verbs from stems. . The suffixes in themselves 
have for the most part very little individuality, some of them being 
hardly evident at all except to the minute linguistic analyst. The 
notions they convey are partly derivational of one kind or other. 
In the verb they express such ideas as those of position, reciprocal 
action, causation, frequentative action, reflexive action, spontaneous 
activity, action directed to some one, action done in behalf of some 
one. From the verb-stem such adjectival and nominal derivations 
as participles, infinitives, or abstract nouns of action, and nouns of 
agent are formed by suffixation. In the noun itself various suffixed 
elements appear whose concrete meaning is practically nil. Other 
suffixes are formal in the narrower sense of the word. They express 
pronominal elements for subject and object in the verb, for the pos- 
sessor in the noun, modal elements in the verb. Thus a word like 
tlomoxiniV we kill one another contains, besides the aorist stem 
tlomo- (formed from do u m-) 3 the suffixed elements -x- (expressing 
general idea of relation between subject and object), -in- umlauted 
from -an- (element denoting reciprocal action [ -x-in- = each other, 
one another]), and -i¥ (first personal plural subject intransitive 
aorist). As an example of suffixation in the noun may be given 
tlibagwa^n-t'V my pancreas. This form contains, besides the stem 
t!iba-, the suffixed elements -gw- (of no ascertainable concrete signifi- 
cance, but employed to form several body-part nouns; e. g., t!iba y V w 
pancreas 47.17), -an- (apparently meaningless in itself and appear- 
ing suffixed to many nouns when they are provided with possessive 
endings), and -£Y (first personal singular possessive). 

§ 29. Infixation 

Infixation, or what superficially appears to be such, is found only 
in the formation of certain aorist stems and frequentatives. Thus 
the aorist stem mats lag- (from masg- put) shows an intrusive or 

§§ 28-29 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 57 

infixed -a- between the s (strengthened to ts!) and g of the stem. 
Similarly the aorist stem wits' Urn- (from wism- move) shows an 
infixed i. Infixation in frequentative forms is illustrated by: 
yonoina ,£ n I always sing (aorist stem yonon-) 
tslayaiV he used to shoot them (cf. ts!aya y Y he shot them) 
On examination it is found that the infixed element is invariably 
a repetition of part of the phonetic material given by the stem. 
Thus the infixed -a- and -i- of mats lag- and wits- Urn- are repetitions 
of the -a- and -i- of the stems masg- and wism-; the infixed -i- of 
yonoin- and ts lay dig- are similarly repetitions of the y- of yonon 
and -y- of tslayag-. It seems advisable, therefore, to consider all 
cases of infixation rather as stem-amplifications related to reduplica- 
tion. An infixed element may itself be augmented by a second 
infixation. Thus we have: 

Verb stem Aorist stem Frequentative 

hemg- take out Jiemeg- 7ieme e mg- 

ts!a-im- hide tslayam- tslaya-im- 

masg- put mats lag- mats!a a sg- 

yawl- talk yawa-i- yawa-iy- 

baxm- come baxam- baxd a xm- 

§ SO, Reduplication 

Reduplication is used in Takelma as a grammatical process with 
surprising frequency, probably as frequently as in the Salish languages. 
The most interesting point in connection with it is probably the fact 
that the reduplicating increment follows the base, never, as in most 
languages (Salish, Kwakiutl, Indo-Germanic) , precedes it. It is, 
like the infixation spoken of above, employed partly in the formation 
of the aorist, partly to express frequentative or usitative action. 
Some nouns show reduplicated stems, though, as a process, redupli- 
cation is not nearly as important in the noun as in the verb. Some 
verbs, including a number that do not seem to imply a necessary 
repetitive action, are apparently never found in unreduplicated form. 
Four main types of reduplication, with various subtypes, occur : 

1. A partial reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the vowel 
and final consonant of the stem : 

aorist helel- (from he e l- sing) 

aorist tlomom- (from do u m- kill) 
The reduplicated vowel is lengthened in certain forms, e. g., hele e l-, 
t!omo u mr. 

§ 30 



58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

1 a. A subtype of 1 is illustrated by such forms as exhibit an 
unreduplicated consonant after the reduplicated portion of the word, 
the second vowel in such cases being generally long 

aorist ts'!umu u mt*a- (from s'ifimfa- boil) 

usitative aorist tluluHg- (from verb stem t!vHg- } aorist tlulug- 

follow trail) 
usitative aorist ginl l ng- (from verb stem ging-, aorist ginig- go to ; 

ging-j ginig- itself is probably reduplicated from gin-) 

2. A complete reduplication, consisting of the repetition of the 
entire base with a change of the stem-vowel to a: 

aorist tleutlau- (from t!eu- play shinny) 
aorist bofbad- (from bo u d- pull out one's hair) 
aorist ba a - sal- xo(x)xag come to a stand (pi.) ; aorist sal-xog-l 1 - 
stand (pi.) 

3. A complete reduplication, as in 2, with the addition of a con- 
necting vowel repeated from the vowel of the stem: 

aorist yuluyal- (cf . verb stem yulyal- rub) 
aorist frequentative JiogoJiag- keep running (from 7id u g- run) 
aorist frequentative s'wilis'wal- tear to pieces; verb stem s'wil- 
s'wal- (from aorist s'wlHs'wal- tear; verb stem s'wlH-) 
If the stem ends in a fortis consonant, the reduplicating syllable 
regularly shows the corresponding media (or aspirated tenuis) : 

sgotlosgad- cut to pieces (from verb stem sgoH!-, aorist sgo u d- cut) 
3 a. A subgroup of 3 is formed by some verbs that leave out the -a- 
of the reduplicating syllable: 

• gwidiV w d- throw (base gwid-) 

4. An irregular reduplication, consisting of a repetition of the 
vowel of the stem followed by -( £ )a- + the last and first (or third) 
consonants of the stem in that order : 

frequentative aorist Homoamd-, as though instead of *t!omo- 
tlam-; cf. non-aorist do u mdam- (from aorist tlomom- kill) 

frequentative aorist lc!eme e amg- (from lc!eme-n- make; verb stem 
lc!em-n-) 

frequentative aorist p!uwu £ aug-, as though instead of *p!uwup!aug- 
(from aorist pluwuk!- name) 

It will be noticed that verbs of this type of reduplication all begin 
with fortis consonants. The glottal catch is best considered a partial 
representative of the initial fortis; in cases like lc!eme £ amg- an original 
§ 30 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 59 

-k!am (i. e., - £ gam) may be conceived of as undergoing partial meta- 
thesis to - £ amg. 

Other rarer reduplications or stem-amplifications occur, and will be 
treated in speaking of aorist formations and frequent atives. 

§ 31. Vowel- Ablaut 

Vowel-ablaut consists of the palatalization of non-palatal stem- 
vowels in certain forms. Only o and a (with corresponding long 
vowels and diphthongs) are affected; they become respectively 
u (u) and e. In sharp contradistinction to the i- umlaut of an 
original a to i, this ablaut affects only the radical portion of the 
word, and thus serves as a further criterion to identify the stem. 
Thus we have we e ga/si he brought it to me (from stem wa a g-, 
as shown also by wa a g-iwi /£ n i brought it to him), but wege'sinV 
he will bring it to me (from stem waga-, as shown also by waga- 
wi'n i'll bring it to him), both i- umlaut and stem-ablaut serving 
in these cases to help analyze out the stems. Vowel-ablaut occurs 
in the following cases : 

1. Whenever the object of the transitive verb or subject of the 
passive is the first person singular : 

mele'xi he told it to me 172.17, but mala'xbi £ n I told it to you 

(162.6) 
nege's'i he said to me 186.22, but naga'sam he said to us (178.12) 
dumxina £ I shall be slain (192.11), but domxbina £ you will be slain 

(178.15) 
gel-luhuigwa' 'si he avenges me, but -loJioigwa /£ n I avenge him ( 1 48 . 3) 

Not infrequently vowel-ablaut in such cases is directly responsible for 
the existence of homonyms, as in yeweyagwa' si he talks about me 
(from yaway-t&lk) , and yeweyagwa' si he returns with me (from 
2/<?wgi-return) . 

2. With the passive participial endings -a¥ w , -iY w \ 

wase e gi y ¥ w wherewith it is shot (from sa a g- shoot) 
me'xaY w having father (from ma'xa his father) 
wa £ -i-duxiY w deV my gathered ones (=1 have been gathering 

them) (from do u x- gather) 
dal £ -wa-^u'tli¥ w mixed with (from pot!- mix) 178.5 

3. In some verbs that have the peculiar intransitive-forming suffix 
-x- f by no means in all: 

geyewa'lxde £ I eat (136.15) (cf. gayawa f£ n I eat it 30.11) 
le e ba y nx he carries 178.6 (stem la a b-) 

§ 31 



60 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

didaH'be' e£ JcH'bag-ams ( = -amtx) they had their hair tied on sides 
of head (from base fba a g-) 142.17; cf. -fba' a gamda £ n I tie his 
hair (27.1) 

No satisfactory reason can be given why most verbs in -x- do not show 
this stem-palatalization. It is quite possible that its occurrence is 
confined to a restricted number of such verbs; at any rate, there is 
some limitation in its employment, which the material at hand has 
not been found extensive enough to define. 

4. In nouns ending in -x-aqf (s-ap' = -t-x-ap'), probably derived 
from such verbs in -x- as were referred to under 3 : 

xa a le fe sap belt (cf. xa a la ,a da £ n I put it about my waist) 
]ialu' us xdp* ( = -x w ap*) shirt (cf. halb fu£ V she put on[her dress]) 

5. In verbs provided with the suffix -xa-, which serves to relieve 
transitive verbs of the necessity of expressing the object: 

lu ,£ xwagwadinin ( = luk!-xa-) I'll trap for him (stem lok! w -) 
ihlfpxagwanV she shall pound with (stone pestle) (cf. lobo y p* she 

pounds them) 
~k!edeixade £ I was out picking (cf. ~k!ada £ n I pick them, Icladal he 

picks them) 
ts!eye'mxade £ I hide things (cf. ts!ayama' £ n I hide it) 

6. In reflexive verbs ending in -gwi- or -7c* wa- (-gwa-) : 

Jclefgwi*]?* pick them for yourself! (stem Tc!d a d-) 

altsfeyeVwif he washed himself with it (cf. alts lay dp' he washed 

his own face) 
llets!e¥wide £ I touch myself (cf. %latslagi /£ n I touch him) 
Jc!edelVwa £ n I pick them for myself (aorist stem lefadai-) 
alnu fw Vwa he painted his own face (stem nd u gw-) 

Yet many, perhaps most, reflexive verbs fail to show the palatal 

ablaut : 

p!agan¥wif he bathed himself 

t' l gwd a xa 'nt' 'gwide e I shall tattoo myself (but lu' u gwant' gwide £ I 

trap deer for myself) 
xa a -sgd' u fgwide £ I cut myself 
%gaxaga'xgwa £ n I scratch myself 

We have here the same difficulty as in 3. Evidently some factor or 
factors enter into the use of the ablaut that it has not been founp 
possible to determine. 

7. Other cases undoubtedly occur, but there are not enough of 
them in the material gathered to allow of the setting up of further 
groups. All that can be done with those cases that do not fall 

§ 31 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 61 

within the first six groups is to list them as miscellaneous cases. 
Such are: 

gwel-leisde e I shall be lame (cf. gwel-la'is Tclemna'n I shall make 

him lame 

le e psi s wing (if derived, as seems probable, from stem la a b- carry) 

t!emeya'nwia u£ people go along to see her married 178.1 (cf. 

t!amayana f£ n I take her somewheres to get her married [148.5]) 

Palatal ablaut, it should be noted, does not affect the -a- of the 

second member of reduplicated verbs : 

t K ga a Wga s l it bounced from her 140.8 

t K ge e ltg*a'lsi it bounced from me 
The connecting vowel, however, of verbs reduplicated according to 
the third type always follows the stem-vowel : 

daVda-Tiele'1ialxade £ I am accustomed to answer (stem -liaH-) 
It is difficult to find a very tangible psychic connection between the 
various cases that require the use of the palatal ablaut, nor is there 
the slightest indication that a phonetic cause lies at the bottom of 
the phenomenon. If we disregard the first group of cases, we shall 
find that they have this in common, they are all or nearly all intransi- 
tives derived from transitives by means of certain voice-forming ele- 
ments (-x-j -xa-, -gwi-, -Vwa-), or else nominal passives or derivatives 
of such intransitives (-ak* w , -x-ap') ; -Vwa-, it is true, takes transi- 
tive pronominal forms; but it is logically intransitive in character 
in that it indicates action in reference to something belonging to the 
subject. The only trait that can be found in common to the first 
group and the remaining is that the action may be looked upon as 
self-centered; just as, e. g., a form in -xa- denotes that the (logically) 
transitive action is not conceived of as directed toward some definite 
outside object, but is held within the sphere of the person of central 
interest (the subject), so, also, in a form with incorporated first per- 
son singular object, the action may be readily conceived of as taking 
place within the sphere of the person of central interest from the 
point of view of the speaker. No difficulty will be found in making 
this interpretation fit the other cases, though it is not conversely true 
that all forms implying self-centered action undergo palatalization. 
The explanation offered may be considered too vague to be con- 
vincing; but no better can be offered. In any event, the palatal 
ablaut will be explained as the symbolic expression of some general 
mental attitude rather than of a clear-cut grammatical concept. 

§ 31 



62 BUEEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Besides these regular interchanges of non-palatal and palatalized 
vowels, there are a number of cases of words showing differing vowels, 
but whose genetic relationship seems evident. These vocalic varia- 
tions have not been brought into the form of a rule; the number of 
examples is small and the process apparently touches rather the 
lexical material than the morphology. Variations of this character 
between a and e are : 

g&l&-b-a' £ n I twist it; p Itf-wa-gele-g-i^n I drill for fire with it 
(88.12), di i£ al-gelegal-a f mda £ n I tie his hair up into top-knot 
(172.2) 

dd a -dsda,-g-a' 'mda £ n I pierce his ear (22.1); dd a -dele-b-i' £ n I stick 
it through his ear 

Za v excrement 122.2; le'-Vw-an-W my anus 

Variations between o (u) and u are : 

s'omoda /£ n I boil it (58.10); ts'!iimumfa £ n I boil it (170.17) 
xuma^ food 54.4; x\\.m\\.'Vde £ I am sated (130.18) 

An a — u variation is seen in: 

hau-h&n3L /£ s it stopped (raining) 196.8; p!ai-lmn\i' u£ s he shrank 
33.16 

Variations between a and i are: 

y&W3Life £ I talk (132.3); yiwiya / ut t e £ I keep talking, I converse 
(194.5) ; yiwin talking, (power of) speech 138.4 

Za&a r 7i I shall carry it (124.5); libin news (what is carried about 
from mouth to mouth[?]) 194.9 

Of o (u) — e variations there have been found: 

lohoit K e £ I die 184.18; leheife £ I drift dead ashore (75.5) 
xa a -h\ik!u'lia¥na £ n I breathe; xd a -h&ge r liaVna £ n I breathe (79.2) 
t!os'6' n little 180.20; al-t!e e s'iY little-eyed 94.3 

An e — i variation is found in the probably related : 

p!eyenfe £ I lie 71.5 (future jpl&t'e* [146.9]) ; gwen-p!iyi'nVwa £ 7i 

I lie on pillow (future gwen-pUVwan) 
t'ge e jaHx it rolls; a'l-V gYyoflx tears rolled from (his) eyes 138.25 

§ 32. Consonant- Ablaut 

Consonant-ablaut, ordinarily a rare method of word-formation, 
plays a rather important part in the tense-formation (aorist and non- 
aorist) of many verbs. The variation is in every case one between 
fortis and non-fortis; i. e., between pi, t!, Jc!, ts!, and b, d, g, s, respec- 
tively. Three main types of grammatical consonant change are to 
be recognized: 

£ 32 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 63 

1. An initial fortis in the aorist as opposed to an initial media in 
non-aorist forms: 

aorist lclolol- (stem go u l- dig) 
aorist Hebe- (stem de e b- arise) 
aorist tlayag- (stem da a g- find) 

2. A medial fortis followed by a vowel in the aorist as opposed to 
a medial tenuis followed by a consonant in non-aorist forms: 

aorist loplod- (stem lopd- rain, snow, or hail) 
aorist lots lag- (stem lasg- touch) 

3. A medial media in the aorist as opposed to a medial fortis in 
the remaining" forms : 

aorist nu w d- (stem nuHl- drown) 
aorist wl l g- (stem wile!- spread) 

Needless to say, this consonant- ablaut has absolutely nothing to do 
with the various mechanical consonant-changes dealt with in the 
phonology. 

A few examples of consonant-ablaut not connected with regular 
grammatical changes have also been found: 

s'omod- boil; ts\ f umu a mfa- boil 

Jiau-gwen-yut\uyad-i- swallow down greedily (like duck or hog) 
126.10; Jiau-gwen-yun.u £ yan-i- dit. 

The second example illustrates an interchange not of fortis and non- 
fortis (for n £ is related to n as is t! to d), but of non-nasal stop and 
nasal. 

I. The Verb (§§ 33-83) 

§33. Introdtictory 

The verb is by far the most important part of the Takelma sen- 
tence, and as such it will be treated before the independent pronoun, 
noun, or adjective. A general idea of the make-up of the typical 
verb-form will have been gained from the general remarks on mor- 
phology; nevertheless the following formula will be found useful by 
way of restatement : 

Loosely attached prefixes + verb-stem (or aorist stem derived 
from verb-stem) + derivational suffixes + formal elements (chiefly 
pronominal) + syntactic element. 

This skeleton will at the same time serve to suggest an order of 
treatment of the various factors entering into verb morphology. 

§ 33 



64 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Before taking up the purely formal or relational elements, it seems 
best to get an idea of the main body or core of the word to which 
these relational elements are attached. The prefixes, though not 
entering into the vital grammatical structure of the verb, are impor- 
tant for the part they play in giving the whole verb-form its exact 
material content. They may, therefore, with advantage be taken up 
first. 

1, Verbal Prefixes (§ § 34-38) 

§ 34. GENERAL REMARKS 

Verbal prefixes may be classified into four groups when regard is 
mainly had to their function as determined largely by position with 
respect to other prefixes: incorporated objects, adverbial (including 
local) elements, incorporated instrumentals, and connective and 
modal particles. These various prefixes are simply strung along as 
particles in the same order in which they have been listed. Inasmuch 
as the exact function of a prefix is to a considerable extent determined 
by its position, it follows that the same prefix, phonetically speaking, 
may appear with slightly variant meanings according as it is to be 
interpreted as an object, local element, or instrument. Thus the 
prefix %- always has reference to the hand or to both hands; but the 
exact nature of the reference depends partly on the form of the verb 
and partly on the position of the prefix itself, so that %- may be trans- 
lated, according to the circumstances of the case, as 
hand(s): 

%-f!l i -nd' u Vwa £ n I warm my hands 

WITH THE HAND! 

i- £ o u dini' £ n I hunt for it with the hand ( = I am feeling around 
for it) 

IN THE HAND: 

fim-l-lid u gwagwa fe n I run with salmon in my hand 
In the first of these three examples the I- as object precedes the 
incorporated instrumental pH* fire, so that the form means literally 
r warm my hands with fire. In the third form the % as local ele- 
ment follows the incorporated object fim salmon. Such a triplicate 
use is found only in the case of incorporated nouns, particularly such 
as refer to parts of the body. These incorporated elements are to 
be kept distinct from certain other elements that are used in an 
§ 34 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



65 



adverbial sense only, and regularly occupy the second position. 
The line between these two sets of prefixes is, however, difficult to 
draw when it comes to considering the place to be assigned to some 
of the prefixed elements. It is doubtful whether we are fully justified 
in making absolutely strict distinctions between the various uses of 
the body-part prefixes; at any rate, it is certainly preferable, from a 
native point of view, to translate the three examples of I- incorpora- 
tion given above as : 

I-hand-fire-warm(-as-regards-myself) 

I-hand-hunt-for-it 

I-s almon-hand-run- with 

leaving in each case the exact delimitation in meaning of the element 
hand to be gathered from the general nature of the form. The fol- 
lowing examples will render the matter of position and function of the 
various prefixes somewhat clearer: 



Object. 


Locative 
adverb. 


Instrument. 


Modal. 


Verb proper. 


bem- sticks 


wa- together 


e l- hand 




t!oxo'xi e n 1 gather (them) (=1 
gather sticks together) 




hee £ - away 


wa- with it 




waagiwi'n she is bought (=she 
is brought with it) 176.17 


gwan- road 


ha- in 




yaxa- continuously 


t!iiluvlga' £ n 1 follow (it) (=1 
keep following the trail) 


dan- rocks 


baa-up 


£ l- hand 




sget.'e'sgidi-nlltfted (them) (=1 
lifted up the rocks) 




han- across 


waya- knife 




swilswa'lhi he tore him (=he 
tore him open with a knife)73.3 




dak'- above 


da- mouth 


wala' e sina- truly 


haali'nda- 1 answering him (= I 
did answer him) 




xa- between, 
in two 


I- hand 


ml' i s wa- probably 


sgi'ibi £ n 1 cut him (=l'll prob- 
ably cut him through) 31.13 



If two adverbial (local) elements are used, the body-part prefix 
follows that which is primarily adverbial in character; thus: 

ba-ide /£ didi f nilc!ai' did you stretch it out? ( = ba-i- out +de-\ip, 
in front + di interrogative particle 4- di'mklaC you stretched it) 

In general it may be said that instances of a body-part prefix pre- 
ceding a primarily adverbial element (like ba-i-, bd a -, he e£ -, and others) 
are rare or entirely lacking. 

From what has been said it might seem that the connective and 
modal elements (like yaxa, ml fi£ wa, and di) are more closely associated 
with the verb form than are the other elements, yet this is only 
apparently the case. Properly speaking all these modal elements are 
post-positives that normally attach themselves to the first word of 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 5 J 34 



66 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the sentence, no matter what part the word plays in the sentence. 
Thus in a form like me' £ -di-ginigaY did you come ? ( = me £ - hither + 
di- interrogative particle + ginigaY you went to), the modal (inter- 
rogative) element di regularly stands nearest the verb ; but as soon as 
another word is introduced before the verb, the interrogative particle 
shoves back a step, and we have a form of sentence like, e. g., Jboida ,£ s 
di me ,£ ginigaY did you come as singer, i. e., to sing? From this 
it becomes fairly evident that the di in the first example is not prop- 
erly a verbal prefix at all, but merely a post-positive particle depend- 
ing upon the preceding me' £ , in the same way that, in the second 
example, it depends upon the noun Jioida' £ s singer. This inference 
is clinched by a form like giniga't^idi did you go (somewhere) % 
for here the di is evidently an enclitic element, not a prefix. 

In sharp contradistinction to such movability, the body-part and 
adverbial prefixes occupy rigidly fixed positions before the verb; 
they therefore belong to a class quite distinct from the modal parti- 
cles. These latter are verbal prefixes only in so far as their post- 
positive tendency may force them to become embedded in the 
verb-complex, in which case they seem to cut loose the incorporated 
object, adverbial prefix, and instrumental element from the verb. 
Diagrammatically the last form tabulated may be represented by 
xa-i- [ml' i£ wd\ -sgi ri l)i £ n. We may then dismiss the modal elements 
from our consideration of verbal prefixes, to return to them when 
speaking of connective and adverbial particles. 

§ 35. INCORPORATED NOUNS 

It may seem strange at first sight to interpret in the examples 
given above such elements as hem sticks, gwan road, and da y n rocks 
as incorporated objects, when they occur as absolute nouns in that 
form as well, though a faint suggestion of incorporation is given 
by gwan-lia-yaxa-tluluHga^n i keep following the trail, in that 
the modal post-positive yaxa follows not gwan, but rather ha-, as 
though the direct object were not quite felt to be an element inde- 
pendent of the verb. Without laying particular stress on this latter 
point, there are, it would seem, good reasons for considering the 
nouns referred to as incorporated, though in any event the incor- 
poration must be called a loose one, and not at all comparable with 
the Iroquois usage. 

S 35 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 67 

1. In the first place it is evident from such examples as i-pli*- 
nb' u ¥wa £ n i warm my hands and Jian-waya-swilswa'Thi he tore him 
open with a knife, that nouns (in these cases y>l% 1 fire and waya 
knife) occur as incorporated instrumental, for such elements as %- 
and Tian- can not possibly be isolated from the verb (han- does not 
occur as independent adverb, but only as prefix; %- is inconceivable 
as independent noun) ; furthermore, if, in the forms just quoted, p!& 
and waya be looked upon as absolutely independent nouns, they lose 
all semblance of grammatical form, there being, indeed, nothing but a 
definite position in a verb-complex that could here suggest the notion 
of instrumentality. It is also possible to isolate waya, but that 
would involve considerable readjustment of the verbal structure. 
To be stamped as an instrumental, waya must in that case be fol- 
lowed by a postposition wa with, so that the sentence then reads, 
Tian-swilswa'lJii wa'ya wa K (the phrase wa r ya wo* may also precede) . 

If we wish to incorporate the instrumental idea into the verb, and 
yet keep the noun outside of the verb-structure, we may let the wa, 
which seems properly to denote with it, occupy the place of the incor- 
porated waya, which, as an appositive of wa, then either precedes or 
follows the verb-form, wa'ya Tian-wa-swilswa'Ihi, or han-wa-swilswa'lM 
waya" he-across-with-it-tore-him (it, i. e.), the-knife. This con- 
struction is identical with the well-known appositional structure of 
Nahua or Chinook (e. g., i-it-killed the-dog), except that the incor- 
porated element is here instrumental and not objective in character. 
The noun and its representative can not both be incorporated in the 
verb, such a form as Thau-way a-wa-swilswa'lhi, for instance, being 
quite impossible. 

It becomes clear, therefore, that an incorporated instrumental 
noun like wa'ya is quite analogous to an instrumental body- 
part prefix like I- hand, with the difference that wa'ya may 
be isolated in that form, while I- must, when isolated, be 
provided with a possessive pronominal element. The form lian-%- 
swilswa'lhi i tore him open with my hand is strictly analogous to 
Jian-waya-swilswa'Thi', the sentence luxdeW Jian-wa-swilswa'lhi my- 
hand i-across-with-it-tore-him corresponds to wa'ya lian-wa-swil- 
swa'Thi; and, finally, Jian-swilswa'Thi luxde'V wa y i-across-tore-him 
my-hand with (-it) is parallel to han-swilswa'lJii wa'ya wa y . What- 
ever is true morphologically of i- must be true of wa'ya; the evident 

§ 35 



68 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

incorporation of I- involves the incorporation of wa'ya in the analogous 
form. 

As the incorporation of the noun as an instrument seems a rather 
important trait of Takelma, a number of further examples may be 
given : 

xa a -be e -nd fu Vwa £ n I warm my back in (really = with) the sun 

(Z>e e sun); cf. 188.20 
~he e£ -xi-le'me £ Vi he destroyed them with water (xi water) 
lie e£ -'p!l i -leme r£ Vi he destroyed them with fire (pli* fire) 98.12 
xa-dan-t* glHt' ga'Thi he broke it with a rock (dan rock) 24.4 
gw en-way a-sgo'H'i he cut their necks off with his knife (waya' a wa y 

with his knife, apart from verb-structure) 144.5, 22 
xa a -be e m-lc!wd u t*lc!widi £ n I broke it with a stick (be e m stick) 
da a -he e l-yebebi' £ n I sing for him, literally, I engage (?) his ears 

with song (7ie e l song; al-yebeb-i- show to) 
da a -fmu u gal-lewe /£ liwi £ n I shake my ears with twisted shells 

(attached to them) (t K mu u gal twisted shell) 122.1 
d^-Val-p'iWp'il^n I squash them with my penis (k*al penis) 73.14 
de-ye'f-baxamagwanaW we came crying, literally, we came hav- 
ing (our) mouths with tears (yet* tears) 
yap!a-dauya a -ts!aya'Vi he shot people with his shaman's spirit 

(dauya fa V w da his shaman-spirit, apart from verb-structure); 

cf. 164.14 

All these, except the last, begin with elements (xa a -, 7ie ee -, gwen-, dd a - f 
dl 1 -, de) that can not be isolated from the verb. 

Instrumentals, whether nouns or body-part prefixes, can occur 
only in transitive verbs. The forms noxwa s yana-wa-lobobi f£ n i 
pound acorns with a pestle and noxwa x -i-loboxagwa f£ n i pound 
with a pestle, as compared with lobd'xade £ i pound, will serve to 
illustrate this. The first sentence reads, when literally translated, 
pestle (noxwa y ) i-acorns (yana y ) -with-it-pound. The logical 
instrument (noxwa") stands outside the verb-complex and is in 
apposition with its incorporated instrumental representative (m-), 
yana y being the direct (incorporated) object. The form lobo'xade £ 
i pound is made intransitive by the element -xa- (hence the change 
in pronominal form from transitive - s n to intransitive -de e ) 3 and 
allows of no instrumental modification; a form like l-ldbo'xade £ could 
hardly mean i pound with the hand; at most it could signify 
i pound in the hand. If we wish, however, to express the logical 
instrument in some manner/ and yet neglect to specify the object, we 
must get around the difficulty by making a secondary transitive of 
§ 35 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 69 

the intransitive in -xa-. This is done by the suffixed element -gw- 
having, attended by. The grammatical object of a transitive verb 
in -gw- is never the logical object of the action, but always dependent 
upon the comitative idea introduced by this sufhx. Hence the sec- 
ond form is not provided with a true instrumental (with a pestle), 
but takes the logical instrument (noxwa y ) as a direct object, while 
the l- is best rendered by in the hand; to translate literally, the 
form really means i pound having a pestle in the hand. 

It sometimes happens that a verb form has two instrumentals, 
one, generally %- with the hand, expressing indefinite or remote 
instrumentality, the second, a noun or demonstrative, expressing the 
actual instrument by means of which the action is accomplished. In 
such cases the second instrument is expressed outside of the verb- 
complex, but may be represented in the verb by the incorporated wa 
with it following the first instrumental element (%-) . Examples of 
such double instrumentals are: 

gwalV ba a -%-wa-xd' u Vi wind he-up-hand-with-it-caused-them-to- 

fall, i. e., he caused them to fall by means of a wind (that he 

made go up) 168.2 
ga H-wa-molo e ma'Ihi that she-hand-with-it-stirs-it-up, i. e., she 

stirs it up with that (incidentally, of course, she uses her hand 

too) 170.16 
dan (object) Jclama (instr.) p!ai- £ i-wa-sga' a Vsgigi £ n rocks tongs 

down-hand-with-it-pick-up, i. e., I pick up the rocks with the 

tongs (and put them) down 

2. The noun as instrument has been shown to act in a manner 
entirely analogous to the instrumental body-part prefix. The latter 
can, without phonetic change, become the direct object of the verb 
by occupying the proper position : 

s'in-i-lats!agi /e n I touched his nose with my hand (s'in- nose) 
but, theoretically at least, 

i-S'in-lats!agi /e n I touched his hand with my nose 
If we bear in mind that such elements as s'in- and I- are really nothing 
but nouns in their stem form (with possessive pronoun: s m in-i-x-da 
his nose; l r -u-x-da his hand), the parallelism with such noun- 
objects as hem and gwan (see examples on p. 65) becomes complete. 
The fact that they may occur independently, while s'in- and %- 
never do, is really irrelevant to the argument, as a body-part noun 
must necessarily be associated with some definite person. Entirely 

§ 35 



70 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

analogous to the nominal elements -% l -x- and -u-x- of s'inixda and 
%'uxda is, e. g., the -am- of gwa a l-a y m-f¥ my road. Just as they 
drop off when the body-part nouns are incorporated, whether as 
object or instrument, into the verb, so, also, the -am- of gwa a l-am- 
( = gwa a n-an-) drops off when the noun is used without pronominal 
or prepositional modification. That the -am- has nothing per se to 
do with the pronominal afhx, but is really a noun-forming element 
added to the stem, is proven by forms like Jia-gwa a la x m in the road. 
Thus: 

object hem, in hem-wa £ -l-t!oxo f xi £ n I gather sticks, is related to 
object s'in-, in s'in-i-lats!agi' £ n I touch his nose, as 
instrument hem, in xa a -he e m-lc IwoH'lc !widi £ n I broke it with a 

stick, to 
instrument s m in-, in s'in-t!ayagi' £ n I find it with my nose ( = 1 

smell it) 

In view of the complete parallelism of noun and body-part element 
and the transparent incorporation of the noun as instrument, nothing 
remains but to look upon the simple noun without pronominal 
affixes, when placed immediately before the local and instrumental 
prefixes of the verb, as itself a loosely incorporated object. Exam- 
ples of noun-objects in such form and position are to be found in 
great number; in fact, the regularity with which the object is put 
before the verb, as contrasted with the freely movable subject, argues 
further for the close relation of the noun-object to the verb. 

A few further examples of incorporated noun-objects are given by 
way of illustration : 

Jie e l-gel-gulugwa' £ n I desire to sing (literally , I-song-breast-desire ; 

Jie e l song) 
7ie e l-yununa /£ n I sing a song (106.7) 
wili-wa-%-t!a r nida £ you shall keep house (literally, you-house- 

together-hand- will-hold ; will house) 28.13 
ahai £ xuma-Jc!emna' £ s cook (literally, in-the-house food-maker; 

xuma food) 54.3 
wai-s'ugvf s'uxgwa £ n I am sleepy (literally, I-sleep-am-confused ?- 

having; wai sleep) 
r pl% i -da-tlaga% he built a fire (pli* fire) 96.17 
p!l i -ha a -yan¥ w he picked up the fire (literally, he-fire-up-went- 

having) 96.25 
xi- £ ugwa s nY he will drink water (xi water) 162.17 
s'lx-ligi y ¥ w he brought home venison (s'%x venison) 134.4 
§ 35 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 71 

In none of these would the placing of the object after the verb- 
form be at all idiomatic; in some (as in he e l-gel-gulugwa' £ n and wai- 
S'ugu's'uxgwa £ n) it would be quite inconceivable. The incorporation 
must be considered particularly strong in those cases in which the 
object is what might be called a root-noun identical in form with a 
verb-stem of corresponding significance : 

wai 1 sleep, to sleep 

he e l- song, to sing 

se e l- black paint, to paint 

likewise where the object gives special color to the verb, deter- 
mining the concrete significance of the form, as in xuma-Jc!emna' £ s 
and wili-wa-l-tla f nida £ . 

3. Besides being used as instrumentals and direct objects, a few 
incorporated nouns are found employed in set phrases, apparently as 
subjects. Such are: 

ba a -be e -k li\jl' l Vda £ forenoon (literally, up-sun-going, or when-it- 
goes) (ba a - is never used as independent adverb, so that be e - 
sun must here be considered part of the verb-complex) 

nd u -be e -k!iyl H Vda £ afternoon (literally, down-river [i. e., west]- 
sun-going) 

mot K -wdlc K as son-in-law he visits wife's parents ( = moV- son-in- 
law + wo y lc\ probably identical with woV he arrived) 17.13, in 
which mot'- must be considered an integral part of the verb, 
because unprovided with pronominal affix (cf . mo't f d a his son- 
in-law) , and, further, because the whole form may be accom- 
panied by a non-incorporated subject (e. g., bo'mxi moVwb^V 
Otter visited his wife's parents, literally, something like: Otter 
son-in-law-arrived) 

4. Several verb-forms seem to show an incorporated noun forming 
a local phrase with an immediately preceding local prefix; in such 
cases the whole phrase must be considered an incorporated unit, its 
lack of independence being evidenced either by the fact that 
it is itself preceded by a non-independent verbal prefix, or else differs 
in phonetic form from the corresponding independent local phrase. 
Examples are: 

da a -ts' !elei-sgalawi' £ n I looked at them out of the corners of my 
eyes (literally, I-alongside-eye-looked-at-them) 2 ; cf. dd a -ts'!e- 
leide alongside my eyes 

*wai- indeed could not be obtained as an independent noun, its existence as substantive being inferred 
from forms such as that cited above. 

2 It may be, however, that this form is to be interpreted as i-aside- (with-the-) eye-looked-at-them, 
ts'.'elei- being in that case an incorporated instrumental noun. 

§ 35 



72 BTJKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Jia-fga a -gwidi y F w he threw it into the open (literally, he-in-earth- 

threw-it) ; cf . Jia-fgati in the earth 
ha-i-dak'-wili-t!a a di ,£ n I ran out of the house (Jba-i- out, adverbial 

prefix + dale*- on top of + will house) 24.13; cf. daV-will on 

top of the house 
ha-yau-t'ge'nets!a £ n I put it about my waist (literally, I-in 

[ under ?]-rib-put-it-about) ; cf. ha-yawade inside my ribs 

Such verbs with incorporated local phrases are naturally not to be con- 
fused with cases in which a local prefix is followed by an incorporated 
(instrumental) noun with which it is not, however, directly connected. 
Thus the ha- of ~ha-tga a -gwidW w is not directly comparable to the 
ha- of a form like: 

ha-p!l i -ts' !u'luk!i s n I set it on fire (pH* with fire) 73.9 
Here ha-pli*- cannot be rendered in the fire. 

Some verb-forms show an evidently incorporated noun that has so 
thoroughly amalgamated with the stem that it is difficult to make 
out its exact share in the building up of the material content of the 
verb. For example: 

s'omlohoya f lda £ n I doctor him as s'omloho f lxa £ s 
doubtless contains the incorporated noun s'ofri mountain; but the 
implied allusion is not at all evident, except in so far as the protecting 
spirits of the s-omloho r lxa £ s are largely mountain-spirits. The verb 
itself is probably a derivative of the verb-stem loho- die (aorist 
lohoi-) . 

§36. BODY-PABT PREFIXES 

Having disposed of the modal prefixes, which on analysis turned 
out to be verbal prefixes only in appearance, and of incorporated 
nouns, which one would hardly be inclined to term prefixes in the 
narrower sense of the term, there remain for our consideration two 
important sets of genuine prefixes, body-part elements and adverbial, 
chiefly local, prefixes. The former will be taken up first. By " body- 
part prefix" is not meant any body-part noun in its incorporated form 
(many of these, such as ts'lelei- eye, tliba- pancreas, not differing 
morphologically from ordinary incorporated nouns), but only certain 
etymologically important monosyllabic elements that are used to indi- 
cate in a more general way what body-part is concerned in a particular 
action, and which may be regarded as in some degree verbal classifiers. 
With the exception of I- hand and s'in- nose, classed with the rest 

§ 36 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 



73 



because of their very extended use, they differ fundamentally from 
other body-part nouns in that they have, besides their literal, also a 
more formal, local value; in this capacity they are regularly employed, 
also, as the first element of noun and pronoun local phrases, and, some 
of them, as the second element of local postpositions. In the fol- 
lowing list the second column gives the literal body-part significance; 
the third, the generalized local meaning ; the fourth, the correspond- 
ing independent noun (in a few cases, it will be observed, there is no 
such corresponding noun); and the fifth column, an example of a 
local phrase : 



Prefix. 


Body. 


Local. 


Noun. 


Phrase. 


dak'- 


head 


over, above 


da'g-ax- dek' my head 


dak'-wiU over the house 


\da-, de- 


mouth, lips 




dex- del:' 




i de- 




in front 




dW gwa m front of himself 


daa- 


ear 


alongside 


daa- n- x- de^k' 


daa-gela x m along the river 


s-in- 


nose 




s'in-ii-x-de^k' 




gwen- 


neck, nape 


in back,behind 


[bo'k' dan-x- de^k'] 


gwen-t' gauon east side of the 
land 


%- 


hand 




l-vrx- de y k' 




xaa- 


back, waist 


between,in two 


xaa-ha^m-Vk' 


xda- gwelde between my legs 


dU- 


back 


on top of 





dii-lude over my hand 


gel- 


breast 


facing 


gel- x- dek', [bilg- an -x- de y k'] 


gelde facing, in front of me 


dF- 


anus 


in rear 


[delg- a^n- t'k'] 


di'-t'gdu on west side of the 
land 


ha- 


woman's pri- 
vate parts 


in 


hau-x-dek' 


ha-xiya s in the water 


gwelr 


leg 


under 


gwel-x-dek' 


gwcl-xiya s under water 


la- 
sal- 


belly 
foot 


down, below 


Vaa- excrement 
sal-x-de y k' 


La-t'gau Uplands ( = ? front 
of the country) 


air 


eye, face 


to. at 


[ts-J del- t'k' my eye] 
[li'ugw- ax- dek' my face 


al-s~ o« ma K l to the mountain 


dU e alr 


forehead ( = 
above eye) 




dU £ aH-t'k' 


dWa'lda at his forehead 


gwenha-u- 


nape (=neck 
under) 




gwenha-u-x-de^k' 


gwenha-ude at my nape 



The last two are evidently compounded; the first of dl l - above 
and al- eye, face, the second of #ipgn-NECK and probably adverbial 
prefix lia-u- under. The noun 7iau-x- woman's private parts may 
possibly be connected with this prefix Jia-u-, though, in view of the 
fact that ha- appears as the incorporated form of the noun, it seems 
more probable that the resemblance in form and meaning is acci- 
dental. It is possible that other rarer body-part prefixes occur, but 
those listed are all that have been found. 

In not a few cases, where the body-part prefix evidently has neither 
objective nor instrumental meaning, it may yet be difficult to see a 
clearly local idea involved. This is apt to be the case particularly 

§ 36 



74 BUBEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

with many intransitive verbs, in which the share of meaning con- 
tributed by the body-part prefix is apparent enough but where the 
logical (syntactic) relation of its content to that of the verb proper is 
hardly capable of precise definition. Thus, from yowo /£ he is are 
formed by means of body-part prefixes: 

al- £ yowo /£ he-eye-is, i. e., he looks 62.6 

dd a - £ yowo ,£ he-ear-is, i. e., he listens, pays attention 96.9 

ba a -gel- £ yowo /£ he-up-breast-is, i. e., he lies belly up 140.5 

In these cases it is obviously impossible, yowo- being an intransitive 
verb not implying activity, to translate al-, dd a -, and gel- as instru- 
mentals (with the eye, ear, breast) ; nor is there any clear idea of 
location expressed, though such translations as at the eye, ear, 
breast would perhaps not be too far fetched. In many verbs the 
body-part prefix has hardly any recognizable meaning, but seems 
necessary for idiomatic reasons. In a few cases prefixes seem to 
interchange without perceptible change of meaning, e. g., al- and 
dak' in: 

aldemxigam we shall assemble (186.7) 

dak' demxia u£ f people (indef.) will assemble (136.11) 

Where two body-part prefixes occur in a verb form, they may 
either both retain their original concrete significance, the first prefix 
being generally construed as object, the second as instrument (e. g., 
s'al- £ l-lats!agi' £ n i-foot-hand-touch-him, i. e., i touch his foot with 
my hand) ; or the first prefix may have its secondary local signifi- 
cance, while the second is instrumental in force (e. g., de- £ i-wl H gi £ n 
i-front-hand-spread-it, i. e., i spread it out) ; or both prefixes 
may have secondary local or indefinite significance (e. g., gwel-ge'l- 
£ yowo £ he-leg-bre ast-is, i. e., he faces away from him) ; rarely 
do we find that two body-part prefixes are concrete in significance and 
absolutely coordinated at the same time (see footnote to 12 below). 

To illustrate the various uses of the body-part prefixes it seems 
preferable to cite examples under each separate prefix rather than to 
group them under such morphologic headings as objective, instru- 
mental, and local, as by the former method the range of usage taken 
up by the various prefixes is more clearly demonstrated. The 
examples are in each case divided into two groups : (a) literal signifi- 
cation (objective, instrumental, or local) and (b) general adverbial 
(local) signification. 

§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 75 

1. dah K - 

(a) HEAD, WITH HEAD, IN HEAD! 

dak.'ts!aydpde z I washed my head (literally, I washed in 

my head 
dak*fbd' a gamf he tied together (their head hair) 27.1 
dak" ilats!agi' e n I touched top of his head 
dakliagdlfe* I felt thrill in my head (as when sudden cold 

tremor goes through one) 
aldak K sd a msa y m he bumped (with) his head against it 79.7 
d2^Viwi r VauYwa £ n I brandish it over my head 

(6) ON TOP OF, ABOVE : 

dakH*gu' u l)a s n I put rounded scooped-out object (like hat or 

canoe) on top (of head) (61.9) 
&akTeJc!e'xade s I smoke (literally, I raise [sc, tobacco- 
smoke] over[one's head]) (96.23) 
dak'limimxgwaf it (i. e., tree) falls on you (108.12) 
dak'wd a ga' £ n I finish it (literally, I bring it on top) (110.17) 
will dak'yd a ngwa' £ n I pass house (? literally, I go with house 

above me) (150.8) 
d&k'daM a li' s n I answer him (61.6; 180.18) 
d&Yt!emexiV we assembled together (43.9; 136.11) 
dak*Jiene e da' £ n I wait for him 

The last three or four examples can hardly be said to show a 
transparent use of daV-. Evidently the meaning of the prefix 
has become merged in the general verbal content, becoming 
unrecognizable as such; cf. under in English understand, 

UNDERGO. 

2. da-, de- 
It seems possible that we have here two distinct prefixes to begin 

with, da- inside of mouth (cf. d&tslaydj)* he washed his 
mouth) and de- lips (cf. de e ts!aydp % he washed his lips and 
noun de e -x- lips), from the second of which developed the 
general local significance of in front; contrast also Jidda,' f- 
gwa in his own mouth with det'gwa in front of himself. The 
strict delimitation of the two, however, is made difficult by 
the fact that da-, alone in this respect among non-radical 
verbal elements, undergoes palatal ablaut (thus becoming de-) 
whenever the stem shows a palatal vowel, whether primary 
or itself due to ablaut; observe also the stem-change from 
da- to de- in Tiad&'t'gwa 170.2 and Jiadede in my mouth. These 

§ 36 



76 BUEEAtT OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

apparently secondary de- prefixes will be listed together with, 
and immediately following the da- prefixes, while the true, 
chiefly local, de-, (da)- prefixes will be put by themselves. 
(a 1 ) da-, (de-) mouth, in mouth, with mouth, lips, teeth, 

TONGUE I 

jda £ o#o27kihegavehim to eat (lit., he mouth-gave him) (186.25) 
\de £ ugu's-i he gave me to eat 186.2 

dddlaya ,i£ he went to get something to eat 75.9 

dsLda f Fda a F sharpen your teeth! 126.18; 128.23 

d&ts!ala'ts!ili £ n I chew it 

ald2Lt!ele't!ili $ n I lick it 

dsdats!agi /£ n I taste it (literally, I mouth-touch it) 

ald&p'dpiwi £ n I blow at it (194.1) 

d&dama /£ x he was out of wind 26.5 

dismay ama ,£ n I smile 

1iad8b s yowo /u da £ (creek) going into (river) (literally, in- mouth- 
being) 
{ddd u l £ he lied (literally, he mouth-played) 110.23; 156.14 
{delunhixi he lied to me 

dsiyuwo' £ s he suddenly stopped (singing, talking) (literally, 

he mouth-started, as in fright) 138.23 
\da¥dsJid a li /£ n I answer him (180.18) 
[daVdehelsi he answers me 

(a 2 ): 

lie e dele'lek!i £ n I finished (story, talking) 50.4 

delumu' 'sgade £ I tell truth (184.3) 

dexebenaY you said it (literally, you mouth-did it) 14.10; 15.6 

aldets- !u f luk!i £ n I suck it 

dedets' !u f luk!i £ n I kiss her (first de- as object, her lips; sec- 
ond de- as instrument, with my lips) 

deliememi /£ n I taste it (cf . l-Tiemem- wrestle) 

ba-idehenenaY you are through eating (literally, you are 
out-mouth-done) (136.16) 

ddigia'lda £ n I fetch it for him to eat (130.9) 

d&he'yekli £ n I left food over 

da- can not stand before I- hand, because of the palatal timbre 
of the latter. Examples of de £ l-\ 

dtflda'mkHnY it will get choked 

de £ llats!agi' £ n I touched his mouth (de- =da- as object; I- as 
instrument. Contrast above da-lats!agi' £ n I tasted it, with 
da- as instrument) 
Similarly other palatal non-radical elements cause a change of 
da- to de-: 
§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 77 

de-his-gulu-gwa' £ n I want it in my mouth ( = I desire to eat 
[ Us = trying]) 
(b) de-,{da-) in front, ahead, at door of house: 

&e £ ik!ala'~k!ilin (house) was scratched on door 154.1, 2, 3 
de £ ise /e V he opened door of house (cf. alse' e V he bowed to 

him) 63.12 
de £ ip*owo' £ V he bent it 
ba a de' £ yeweija x V w he started traveling again (literally, he 

up-ahead- went-again- with it) 22.4; 24.9; 25.6 
dewiliwa'lsi she is fighting me 27.3 
de e gwidiW w he stuck (threw) it into (fire) 27.8 
dQViwi'VauVwa £ n I brandish it before my face (172.12) 
gasa'llii de'hits!a a ga' £ s fast stepper (literally, quickly ahead- 
stepper) 
ba-ide £ di t nixia u£ they marched by in regular order (literally, 

they out-ahead-stretched) 144.14 
de £ iwi H gi £ n I spread it out (120.1) 
tfga a de'M Telly a'Vi £ if the world goes on (literally, world 

ahead-goes-if) 146.4 
d&matslcfV he put it point foremost (into their eyes) 27.8 

As in the case of daV-, so also here, not a few forms occur in which 
the meaning of the prefix da-, de- is far from being clearly in 
evidence : 

dsit!aga £ n I build a fire (96.17) 
laldsLtc!u'lu u£ F he caught fire 98.3 
Xaldstclu'lu^xi I caught fire 
degilWklalx it glows (142.1) ; 188.15 
aldsifguyu H£ si (fire) blisters my face (25.11) 
de £ %£a'mdk!i £ n I put out the fire 
d&fama /£ x the fire goes out 
da,t!ahaga' £ n I finish it (176.6) 
deisgayana' £ n I lie down 

As the first seven of these examples show, da-, de- sometimes 
imply a (probably secondary) reference to fire. 

3. da a - 

(a) ear, with ear (referring to hearing), in ear, cheek, sides 
of head: 

d&Hs!ayap' he washed his ear 
da, £ its' lamcfY he squeezed his ears 
d!i £ ilats!agi' £ n I touched his ear, cheek 
deL* £ agani' £ n I heard it (55.3; 108.16) 

d%?-da a gi f£ n I am able to hear it (literally, I can ear-find it) 
(100.12) 

§ 36 



78 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dsL a le e lagwa' e n I listen to him (55.1; 96.2; 146.5) 

d&Hs- !emxde £ I hear big noise 90.21 

ani £ ge d&' £ y owo £ he did not listen to it (literally, he not there 

ear-was) 96.9 
dsi a sgek!elha s n I kept listening (102.3) 
dsL a yehei he went where he heard (noise of people singing or 

gambling) 106.10. 
d&^dele'p^i he stuck it across his ear 
dsi^dalaga'mf he made holes in his ears 
dtfd&rfbe' e£ ¥fhagams they had their hair tied on sides of head 

{dl l da a - probably as incorporated phrase, over ears) 142.17 
d& £ ibo'£~bidi £ n I pull out his hair (from side of head) (194.7) 
(jb) ALONG, on side: 

wi'lau d& a wat'hd' a gamdina £ arrows shall be tied along (their 

length) with it (i. e., sinew) 28.1 

4. S'iU- NOSE, IN NOSE, WITH NOSE! 

s'in £ lgile /£ sgwa he scratched his own nose 14.11 ; 15.7 

s'int!ayagi ,£ n I smell it (literally, I nose-find it) (160.20) 

& , mdalaga'mt i he made holes in septum (cf. under da a -) 22.1 

s*inZo' M Fi he stuck it into nose 

s'mde e le'p'gwa he stuck it up into his own nose 

s-'mgeycfn he turned away his nose 

s'myuwo' £ s he dodged with his nose (as when fly lights; cf. 

under da-) 
s'mt'uwulc'de £ I feel warm in my nose 
s'mxi'nl i xanfde £ I sniff 
s'inwiU ri Vap'de £ I blow my nose 
ah'mld' u xa £ n they meet each other (24.12) 

5. gwen- 

(a) neck: 

gwensgd' u da £ n I cut his neck (144»2, 3, 5, 22) 
gwents !ayaga' £ n I washed his neck 
7ia-ugwenyunu' £ yini £ n I swallow it greedily (cf. 126.10) 
gwenld' u Vi he stuck it in his throat (cf. under s'in-) 25 A 
gwen £ llats!agi /£ n I touched back of his neck 
gwemvayanaganlri he swung his knife over their necks 144.2 

(&) back, behind: 

gwe'n £ alyowo £ he looked back 
gwenyeweife £ I went back (152.13; 188.19) 
gwe'nliwila u£ he looks back (on his tracks) 59.14; 94.9 
gweii7iegwd /a gwanhi he related it to him 17.11 

In gwena-ia ,£ s good singer, the part played by the prefix is not 
clear. 
§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 79 

6. t- HAND, IN HAND, WITH HAND 

No body-part prefix, except perhaps al-, is used with such fre- 
quency as i-, the scrupulousness with which verbs implying 
action with the hand incorporate it seeming at times almost 
pedantic. Only a small selection out of the great number of 
occurrences need here be given: 

its! ay dp' he washed his hand 

\pll i no' u Vwa £ n I warm my hands 

wila x u £ ihoyodagwa ,£ n I dance with arrow in hand 

nax ihele e lagwa f £ n I sing with pipe in hand 

\gl H na he took it 15.1; 31.8; 44.8; 47.9 

\Vw2L a gwi e n I woke him up 16.4 

igaxagixi' £ n I scratch him 

igis'igis'i' £ n I tickle him 

ihegwe'TiaV w na e n I am working 

xa e lts' !iwiY he split it open 26.6 

iheme K m he wrestled with him 26.11; 27.10,11 

lyonb ,u£ ¥ he pulled it 

lguyu ,£ Y she pushed her 55.14 

s-ele¥ w Uu'pxagwanV she shall pound with acorn pestle 55.9 

7ie e£ ileme /£ ¥ he killed them ofT 55.1; 144.6. 

it!a'ut!iwi £ n I caught hold of her (29.12; 140.15) 

\t K wl l y%li ,£ n I make it whirl up 

aPlyulu' f yili £ n I rub it 

Ifgwanye' e gi£ you enslaved her 16.14 

In some cases one does not easily see the necessity for its use: 
wl £ \Vge r ye £ xi they are round about me (48.5) 
allwulu' u£ xbi he ran away from you 

7. xd a - 9 (oca-) 

(a) back, waist: 

x.8b a ts!ayap K he washed his back 
pH* xa, a dat'guyu H£ sgwa his back got blistered 25.11 
xa, £ ilats!agi /£ n I touched his back 
-K^p!l i nd' u Vwa he warmed his back 188.20 
-x.2Md ,a da £ n I put (belt) about my waist 

(b) between, in two (in reference to breaking or cutting) : 

xsi a 'p!a-its'!iudi'n I shall split it by throwing (stone) down 

on it (140.7) 
x8L a wisd a go-between (in settling feuds) 178.11, 13, 18 
x2i a sgo' u da £ n I cut, saw it (21.2, 4) 
xsbHsgi'tp'sgibiF™ (bodies) cut through 21.2 

§ 36 



80 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

■xSPdant gl l W ga'Ihi he broke it with rock 24.4 
x&H'be' e£ ¥fbagams it is all tied together 27.13 
x^salt'gwe'lfgwili he broke it by stepping on it 31.4, 5 
xsL a be e mk!d u flc!idi s n I broke it with stick 

In x8Jiege'7iaVna £ n i breathe (79.2) and x2Jiuk!u'liaYna £ n i 
breathe, the xa- may refer to the heaving motion up from the 
waist. 
8. dP- 

(a) back: 

The local uses of xd a - and di*- (in middle, between, and above, 
respectively) would indicate that, in their more literal signifi- 
cation, they refer respectively to the lower back about the 
waist and the upper back, though no direct information 
was obtained of the distinction. 

diHsIayap* he washed himself in back of body 
d^Jtdx his back is burning 

di i fbd u lc!a / lxde £ I have warts on my back 102.20 
di 1 du u gwa s nk K she will wear it (i. e., skirt) 55.9 

(b) above, on top: 

dliJie'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2 
didd a fbd' a gamfgwide £ I tie my hair on sides of my head (see 

under dd a -) (140.11; 142.17) 
di i£ algelegala'mda £ n I tie his hair up into top-knot (172.2) 
dl £ uyu'ts!amda £ n I fool him (aorist uyutsl- laugh) 
dvliirixd' u gi £ n I scare him 
dl [ mds (earth) is lit up (78.1) 
dl { liili*gwa r£ n I am glad 22.2 

dl l - is used in quite a number of verbs of mashing or squeezing, 
the primary idea being probably that of pressing down on top 
of something: 

dl { p ili'p%li e n I squash (yellow-jackets) (74.3); contrast 
gel-bem-pili'pili £ n I whip him on his breast (literally, 
I-breast-stick-whip-him) (cf. 76.1, 2, 3) 
dlHHytfsi^n I mash them 
ba-idlgwibi'tYwap' it popped all around 27.14 
dlitfgumu'tfgimtfn I squeezed and cracked many insects (such 
as fleas) 
In many cases, as in some of the forms given above, the primary 
signification of dl l - is greatly obscured. It is not at all certain 
but that we are at times (as in di'uyu'ts !amda e n) dealing really 
with the phonetically similar prefix di £ - rear. 
§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 81 

9. gel- 
id) breast, with breast (mental activities) : 
geltsldytip* he washed his breast 
gel e ildts!dgi' £ n I touched his breast 

bd a ge f l £ yo lie down with belly up! (lit., up-belly-be!) 140.4 
ge\gulugwa' £ n I desire, want it 32.5, 6, 7 
gelhewe'Tidu he thought 44.11; 124.3; 142.20 
gellohoigwd /£ n I avenge him (apparently = I breast-die- with 

him) (146.8; 148.3) 
ge\t!dyd K V they thought of it (see under s'in- and da a ) 152.10 
ge\ydldXdldi £ n I forgot him (lit., I breast-lost him) (77.10) 
gelts' Idyd'mxdmV she hid (certain facts) from us 158.7 
geldulu'F 'de £ I am getting lazy 
ge\7ieye' £ x he is stingy (literally, he breast-leaves-remaining = 

keeps surplus to himself) 196.8 
(&) facing: 

geltldnd'hi she pushed him (? literally, she held him [away] 

facing her) 1 (25.10) 
gelwaydn he slept with her (literally, he caused her to sleep 

facing him) 26.4; (108.3; 190.2) 
Wd'fgwdn ge\ £ yowo' £ they faced each other (literally, to 

each other they breast- were) 26.15 
gelk!iyi' £ V he turned around so as to face him 170.2 

io. av- 
id) anus: 

di e ts!ayap % he washed his anus 

bd-idl £ t'gdts!d't*gisi £ n I stick out my anus (164.19; 166.1) 

dl £ lidx his anus is burning 94.13 

&i £ JiagaU K e e I feel ticklish in my anus (as though expecting 

to be kicked) (cf. under ddY-) 166.1 
di £ xo' u s (food) is spilling out from his anus, (acorns) spill out 
from hopper 94.2, 4, 5 
(b) in rear, behind: 

dVsdlyomo'Jiin I shall catch up with him in running 
be e dl' £ le !iyi' £ V afternoon came (lit., sun went in rear) (124.15) 
dd £ o'l di £ Jiiwiliut'e £ I ran close behind 
As happens more or less frequently with all body-part prefixes, 
the primary meaning, at least in English translation, of dl £ - 
seems lost sight of at times: 

dbdidi £ yowd' u dd £ coming into house to fight (dbdi- into house; 
yowo' u dd £ being) 24.14 

1 Though perhaps better she held him with her breast, taking gel- as instrument. 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 6 S 36 



82 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

p!a-idl £ 1iana' £ s it stopped (wind, rain, snow, hail) 152.16 
In a number of verbs d% £ - expresses : felling, digging under, or 
erecting a tree or stick, the fundamental notion being probably 
that of activity at the butt end of a long object: 

di £ sgotldlha hem he was always cutting down trees 108.8 

di £ ~k!olola'n (tree) was dug under 48.5 

di%sguyu' u ]c!in (tree) was made to fall by being dug under 

48.7, 8, 12 
p!a-idl £ ld' u gwa £ n I make (stick, pestle) stand up (by placing 

it on its butt end) (116.18; 176.1, 2) 
p!a-idi £ sgimi f sgam they set (house posts) down into ground 

11. ha- 

(a) woman's private parts: 
h.dbts!ayap* she washed her private parts 
h.& £ ilats!agi' £ n he touched her private parts 
h.2b £ %wesga f haV w she spread apart her legs 26.4 

(b) in: 

(danxdagwa) h&ts la/yak? he washed inside (of his ear) 
(dexda) h&ld' u lc t i he stuck it into (his mouth) 
(s'inlxda) heidele'pi he stuck it up into (his nose) 
habloJion he caught them in trap (literally, he caused them 

to die in) (100.8) 
(gwari) Y±2bt!ulugwa ,£ n I follow in (trail) (96.8,9) 
haZo' M F she put on (her dress), they put on (their skins, 

garments) 160.6 
\i^ £ lhu'lu u Tial they skinned them 160.5 
\i&ya-u£ge'nets!a £ n I put on (my vest) 
As the last examples show Jia- sometimes conveys the special 
notion of putting on or taking off a skin or garment. 

12. gwel- 

(a) LEG, IN LEG, WITH LEG: 

gweltslayap' he washed his legs 

gwelle'ye e sde £ I am lame 

gwelld' u£ ]c Kw put on (your leggings)! 

gwel^wi^n I beat him in running (lit., I-leg-left-him) (184.14) 

gwelsalt!eyesna £ n J I have no fat in my legs and feet 102.22 

Q)) UNDER, AWAY FROM VIEW: 

gwQ\mats!a"V they put (food) away (sc, under platforms) 

124.22; (132.8) 
g-WQ\ge'l £ yowd u da £ he having his back to him (literally, facing 

him away from view) 122.7 

1 This form is an excellent example of the rather uncommon coordinate use of two body-part prefixes 
(gwel- leg and sal- foot). 

§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 83 

13. la- 

id) front of body (probably belly as contrasted with gel- 

breast) : 
\a,ts!ayap* he washed himself in front of body 
(b) burst, rip open: 

\a,t*ba' a xit burst 24.17 

\db £ ifba' a ~k!ifba £ you (pi.) shall rip them open (like game 

after roasting) 118.5 
\2isalt*ba' a gi £ n I burst it with my feet (140.22) 
la, £ wayafba' a gi £ n I rip it open with knife (way a knife, as 

incorporated instrument) 

14. sal' 

(a) FOOT, WITH FOOT I 

sollats!agi /£ n I stepped on it (instrument sal-: I foot-touched 

it) (196.18) 
sol £ ilatslagi /£ n I touched his foot (object sal-; instrument £-) 
salts lay ap* he washed his feet 
solxugl they are standing 63.2 
Jie e£ salfgUn kick him off! (24.17) 
alsalfba' a F he kicked him 86.16,17,18 
gelbam solgwi'fgwaf kick it way up! 
salyuwo' £ s he suddenly lifted up his foot (as when frightened) 

(cf. under da- and s'in-) 
8alp!i i nd' u Jc*wa e n I warmed my feet 

15« al- FACE, WITH EYE, TO, AT 

This is in all respects the most difficult prefix in regard to the 
satisfactory determination of its exact meaning. In a large 
number of cases it seems to involve the idea of sight, not infre- 
quently adding that concept to a form which does not in 
itself convey any such implication. In most of the verb- 
forms, however, many of which have already been given 
under other prefixes, the al- seems to have no definitely ascer- 
tainable signification at all. In some cases it may be consid- 
ered merely as an empty element serving as a support for a 
post-positive modal particle. For example: 

al-his-gulugwa /£ n I am desirous of something 

where Ms trying can not occupy an initial position 

al-di-yolcloyaY did you know him? 
Here alyokloyaY in itself hardly differs in content from 
yolcloyaY you knew him. The most satisfactory definition 

I 36 



84 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

that can be given of al- in its more general and indefinite 
use is that it conveys the idea of motion out from the sphere 
of the person concerned, whether the motion be directed 
toward some definite goal (object) or not; an approximate 
translation in such cases would be to, at. The correctness 
of this interpretation is borne out by the fact that al- at 
times replaces a more definite local phrase, as though it were 
a substitute for it, of the same general formal but weaker 
material content. 

wa a da lo u gwa /£ n to-him I-thrust-it, where wd a da definitely ex- 
presses a local pronominal idea to, at him. 
Compare : 

alld' u gwi £ n I stretched it out to him 

where the exact local definition of the action is not so clearly 
expressed; the direct object of the verb being here not the 
object thrust, but the person aimed at, while the indirectness 
of the action is interpreted by means of al- as an adverbial or 
local modification of the verbal content. The change of vowel 
in the ending, a — i, is closely connected, as we shall later see, 
with this change of "face" in the verb. The first form may 
be literally translated as to-him i-it-thrust; the second, as 
i-him-to-thrust (it) . Similarly, in al £ ilats!agi' £ n i touched 
his body, the al- is probably best considered as a general 
directive prefix replacing the more special prefixes (such as 
sal-, s'in-, and so on) that indicate the particular part of the 
body affected, or, as one might put it, the exact limit of 
motion. The use of al- in local phrases shows clearly its 
general local significance: als 'd u ma x l at, to the mountain; 
ga £ a K l to that, as postposition equivalent to to, for, from. 

(a) face, eye: 

&\ £ d u dini' £ n I look around for him (cf . o u da /£ n I hunt for him) 

(92.27) 
s\xi H gi £ n I see, look at him (-xtfg- never occurs alone) 186.7; 

188.11. 
&\gaya x n he turned his face 
a\.yebebi ,£ n I showed it to him (77.8) 
alyowof e £ I looked (of. yowofe £ I was) (64.3) 
alts!ayaga' £ n I washed his face (64.5) 
'manx &\nu' u Jc*wa he painted his (own) face 
§ 36 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 85 

altlayaW he found, discovered it (literally, he eye-found it; 

cf. under S'in-, da a -, and gel-) 47.10; 92.27; 194.13 
alsgala a liwi /£ n I looked at them (moving head slightly to 

side) 
Sbl£bd u Jc!a'lxde £ I have pimples on my face (cf. 102.20) 
altfwap!a't*wapna s n I blink with my eyes 102.20 
a\we'~k!ala £ n I shine 
xa e a,'lt!anahi they watched it (literally, they-between-eye- 

held it; xa- £ al as incorporated local phrase[?]) 136.8 

(b) to, at: 

It is at least possible, if not very probable, that al- to, at, and 
al- eye, face, are two entirely distinct prefixes. As many 
preceding examples have incidentally illustrated the local use 
of al-, only a few more need be given: 

&lp*oup K auhi he blew on it 15.1 

&\Jiuyuxde £ I go hunting (42.1; 58.14; 70.2; 126.21) 

vlgesegasa r l£e £ I was washing 

aUieme^V they met him 24.11 

2l £ lxlep!e f xlap % he mashed it up into dough-like mass 94.11 

&l e its-!d' u di s n I touch, reach it 

slse ,e gi £ n I bowed to him (172.10) 

16. dx i£ al- forehead: 

droits! ay ap* he washed his forehead 

dl i£ vlgelegala'ms he tied his hair up into top-knot 172.2 

dl £ &Wa' a p*gwa he put (dust) on his forehead 136.28 

17. givenha-n- nape: 

gweiih&'-utslayaga^ I shoot off nape of neck 

g wenha-uf b e' e gams he has his hair tied in back of his head 

It will have been noticed that several of the body-part prefixes 
have developed special uses that almost entitle them, at times, to 
being considered verbal in function. Thus xa a - back:, between has 
been seen to develop, from its latter local use, the more strictly verbal 
one of cutting, splitting, breaking, or rending in two; the ideas of 
between and of division in two are naturally closely associated. 
The specialized semiverbal uses of some of the prefixes may be thus 
listed : 

da-, de- activity in reference to fire (burn, set on fire, glow) 

xd a - rend in two (cut, split, break) 

dl 1 - crushing activity (mash, squeeze) 

dl £ - fell, erect (long object) 

7ia- dress, undress 

S 36 



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BUBEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



la- burst, rip open 
al- look, see 

The resemblance between this use of the Takelma body-part prefixes 
and the Siouan use of verb prefixes denoting instrumental activities 
(e. g., Ponka la- by pressing with the hand, ma- by cutting, <£a- 
with the mouth, by blowing) is not far to seek, although in Takelma 
the development seems most plausibly explained from the local, rather 
than the instrumental, force of the prefixes. Neither the employment 
of Takelma body-part nor of Siouan instrumental prefixes with verb 
stems is in any morphologic respect comparable to the peculiar com- 
position of initial and second-position verb stems characteristic of 
Algonkin and Yana. The same general psychic tendency toward 
the logical analysis of an apparently simple activity into its com- 
ponent elements, however, seems evident in the former as well as in 
the latter languages. 

§ 37. LOCAL PREFIXES 

The purely local prefixes, those that are not in any way associated 
with parts of the body, are to be divided into two groups: 

(1) Such as are used also in the formation of noun and pronoun 
local phrases or of postpositions, these being in that regard closely 
allied to the body-part prefixes in their more general local use; and 

(2) Such as are employed strictly as verbal prefixes, and are inca- 
pable of entering into combination with denominating elements. The 
following table gives all the common prefixes of both groups, examples 
of noun or pronoun local phrases being added in the last column : 



Prefix. 


Translation. 


Local phrase. 


Tian- 


across, through 


hanwaxga^n across the creek 


ha-u- 


under, down 


hawande under me 


he e£ - 


away, off 


heets-oumaV beyond the mountain 


dal- 


away into brush, among, between 


dan gadaV among rocks 


Jid s ya- 


on both sides 


ha' s yade on both sides of, around me 


Ma £ - 


yonder, far off 




me £ - 


hither 




wl- 


around 




Jiawi- 


in front, still 




wa- 


together 




bda- 


up 




ba-i- 


out, out of house 




p!a-i- 


down 




aba-i- 


in house, into house 




bam- 


up into air 




xam- 


in river 





§ 37 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 87 

Of these, the first five belong to the first group, the last nine to the 
second. The position of hd a£ - and me £ - is somewhat doubtful; but 
the fairly evident etymological connection of the former with Jid a£ ya 
and the correlative relation in form and meaning between me £ - and 
he e£ -, make it probable that they are to be classed with the first 
group. While some of these prefixes (such as dal- and Jtan-) are 
inconceivable as separate adverbial elements, others (particularly 
dba-i, which is apparently composed of demonstrative element a- 
this + ba-i) are on the border-land between true prefix and inde- 
pendent adverb. me £ - and 7ie e£ -, though they are never used alone, 
stand in close etymological relation to a number of local adverbs 
(such as eme £ here and ge there), which also, though not so rigidly 
as to justify their being termed prefixes, tend to stand before the 
verb. The difference between local prefix and adverb is one of 
degree rather than of fundamental morphologic traits; in any case, 
it is rather artificial to draw the line between me £ - in such forms as 
me £ yeu come back! and ge in, e. g., ge £ yowo' £ there it is. Sometimes, 
though not frequently, two local prefixes, neither of them a body-part 
element, occur in a single verb form. See, e. g., p!ai-Jiau- under 2 
below, also abai-bd a - 62.1. 

1. han- through, across: 

h.&iiyada'fe 5 1 swim across 
h&ngwidi y F w he threw it across 120.22 
h.2un £ wa £ alxl' i ¥ he looked through it 
h.Sbnyewe ,i£ he went back across 178.16 

gwan-h.2Msgd' u sde £ I lie stretched across the trail (literally, I- 
road-across-cut) (148.8) 

2. ha-u- under, down: 

h&-ugwenyut!u / yidi £ n I swallow it down greedily, making grunting 

noise (126.10) 
ha-usaF™ he paddled him down river (bd a - up river) 
h.a,-uyowo'f e £ I sweat (literally, I-under-am) 
ei p!a-ih.8i'-ut t gu u ])x canoe upset 60.8 
h.&-\ihana' £ s it stopped (raining) 196.8 

3. he e£ - off, away: 

h.e £ ileme' £ F he killed them off 14.13; 110.21; 144.6 
he e£ sgo' u da £ n I cut it off (44.4); 72.10; (92.14,16) 
hB Q£ gwidi s ¥ w he threw it away 
he G£ iu¥wa he went away from him (23.12; 146.18) 
he e£ salfgunfgini £ n I kick him off (24.17) 

§ 37 



88 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

he e£ iJiu'lup !i £ n I beat off bark (with stick) 
he e£ iFap!a'Fibi £ n I chipped them off (92.3) 
h.e e£ wd a ga ,£ n I buy it (literally, I carry it off) (176.17) 
he e£ fguyu /i£ s it is blistered 

4. dal- into brush, among: 

d.2lyewe' i£ he ran off into brush 14.6; 110.10 
d&\gwidW w he threw it into brush 
dsdfo /u di £ n I mix it with it (178.5) 
dalxabili' u£ he jumped between them 106.20 

5. ha £ ya- on both sides: 

h.2L £ yeigini /£ F they passed each other 

ha £ y a,wat!emexia u£ they assemble coming from both sides 144.23 

6. ha a£ far off: 

hsL /a£ yewe i£ they returned going far off 146.22; (47.4; 188.1) 
ha, £ xdd ' a xdagwa £ n I threw something slippery way off 
This prefix is evidently identical with the demonstrative stem 7ia a£ 
seen, e. g., in M' £ ga that one yonder. 

7. me £ - hither: 

me £ gini' £ V he came here 146.24 (ge gini ,£ ¥ he went there 77.7) 
ha'nme £ gini £ ¥ they come from across (note two local prefixes; 

7iangini £ ¥ they go across) 
me £ yeU come back! (^return!) (23.11,12,13,14; 96.5); 59.5 
me £ 7iiwili' u£ he came running this way 

Not infrequently me £ - conveys the fuller idea of come to , 

as in: 
me^epxip' come (pi.) and chop for me! 90.16 

8. wl- around: 

wl £ it*ge f ye £ xi they are surrounding me (48.13; 190.14) 
wlt'ge'ye e£ ¥i they put it round about 176.14 

9. hawi- in front, still: 

\h.&wiyanfe £ I go in front 

I h.Siwiyana' £ s front dancer 

h.a,wibaxa' £ m still they come, they keep coming 146.1 

ho u h.&w\degu'Tk!alxda a after a while it will blaze up (bo u = now) 

10. wa- together: 
wsJc!oydxini¥ we go together 

wa s lts' lo f m £ Tc squeeze (your legs) together! (26.5) 

hd a w2Jwil%V w he traveled up along (river) (literally, he went up 

* having it together with him) 21.14 
W2iyan¥ w he followed him (literally, he went having him together 
with him) 23.11 

§ 37 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 89 

w&t!emexia u£ they are assembling together (110.3); 144.23 

wa, £ it!oxo'xi he gathered them together 112.6 

w&t!iliVni she gave them one each 130.4 

wa a 7mftiY he talked to him 59.16; 63.10 

da'gaxdeY wa, £ alfgeye f fgiyi £ n I tied it about my head (literally, 

my-head I-together-to-surround-it) 
p!a a s weJc!e e wa'lxgwa snow is whirling around 

Sometimes wa- seems to indicate simultaneity of activity, as in: 
wsda a la'uJii she kept twining basket (while talking) 61.5 

In many cases the adverbial meaning of wa- is hardly apparent, and 
one is sometimes in doubt whether to look upon it as the prefix 
here discussed or to identify it with the instrumental element 
wa- with, with it; the two may indeed be at bottom identical. 

11. ba a - up (55.16; 59.10; 60.11; 63.6,12): 

bii a dini' £ x (clouds) were spread out in long strips (literally, they 

stretched up) 13.3 
bsiH!ebe'fe £ I get up 186.14; (196.1) 
b$i a wadawaya y Jc* w he flies up with it 
bsi a yanF w he picked it up 15.9; 24.3; 59.15 
~kliy% l x b& a woV smoke comes out (literally, up-arrives) 29.3 
(danxda) beL £ algwili y s he turned up (his ear) 
(daVwili) ba, a gini' £ Jc' he went up (on top of house) 30.6 
bsi a s'a /£ s' stand up! 

bsi a yewe /i£ he got better (literally, he-up-returned) (15.2) 
b& a 7iawa /£ ]c' she dipped up (water) 

12. ha-i- out, out of house, out of water to land, from 

PLAIN TO MOUNTAIN: 

ba,-iyewe' i£ they went out again 

bsi-ixodo'xaf she took off (her garment) 13.4 

b&-isili'xgwa he lands with (boat) 13.5 

ba-isaF w he came to land 

ba,-i £ a / lyowo £ he looked outside 

b2b-\kimima' £ n I drive him out 

ba-i gwidW w he threw it out 92.15,16 ; (haxiya'daf) b&-igwidi K F w 

he threw it (from in the water) on to land (31.2) 
b&-ibiliwaY you jumped out of house 24.15; (46.6) 
(hadede) b&-iyeweyini /£ n I took it out (of my mouth) (literally, 

I-out-caused-it-to-return) 
bai-ideJienenaY you are through eating (literally, you-out-mouth- 

are-finished) (132.14) 
ba,-it!ixi'xi he pulled (guts) out 92.17 
(da¥s'd u ma / l) ba-iwoF he got up (on the mountain) 124.4; (60.9) 

§ 37 



90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In certain idiomatic turns the primary signification of ba-i- is as 
good as lost: 
(he e l-)ba,-imats!aW he began to sing (lit., he-song-out-put) 102.17 
ba,-ik!iyi' e F he comes 92.1, 2; 156.24; 168.13 

13. p!a-i- down: 

Tp\ai e Wa,na'M s n I held him down 

Tplsb-igvridiW" he threw it down 

iplei-iwaya' £ he went to lie down, to sleep (lit., he down-slept) 25.9 

p IsL-ilolioife 5 1 fell down (literally, I down-died) 

ph-iyewe'* 5 (arrow) fell down back 22.5; 48.14 

p la,-i £ a'lyowo £ he looked down 26.14 

ipl&iyowo' 5 they sat down (literally, they down-were) 56.2 

p Isb-isgaya'pxde 5 1 lay down 

14. aba-i- in house, into house 

It would perhaps be best to consider this an independent adverb 
(demonstrative pronoun a- this + la-i-, formed analogously 
to eme £ here [ = demonstrative adverb e- here + me £ ]) ; its 
correlative relation to ha-i- makes it seem advisable to give 
examples of its occurrence here : 

ahsiigini n F he went inside 25.8; 27.7,13; 64.3 

ab&ihiwili' u£ he ran inside 16.12 

aba-iwoF they went into house 29.6; (44.7); 160.19 

absi-iyowot' e £ I stay at home 

abaife !d a JcHs !a ,£ V he stepped into house 31.3 

15. bam- up into air 

This prefix occurs often with preposed elements gel- or dl l - as 
gelbam- or dtfbam-, which would seem to mean respectively 

WITH BELLY SIDE UP and WITH BACK SIDE UP, Or IN FRONT OF 

and directly over one : 
b&mguridW w he threw it up 
gelb&mgwidiW™ he threw it up 
di i ba,mgwidi y V w he threw it up 
gelbamsaF™ he shot it up 22.5 
ge\babm £ a'lyowo £ he looked up 
gelba'mW^ he was sitting up (in tree) 48.7 

16. xam- in river, into water, from mountain to plain: 
x&maltslayap* he washed himself in river 
x&mgvridiW" he threw it into river (33.6) ; 108.5 
x&mhiwili' u£ he ran to river 29.13; 94.16 

x&'mhilap % iauF they became in river ( = were drowned) 166.16 
xeLm £ a'lyowo £ he looked down from top of mountain 124.4 (con- 
trast -p\a,i £ a'lyowo £ he looked down from ground 26.14) 
§ 37 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 91 

§ 38. INSTRUMENTAL wa- 
it is somewhat difficult to classify this prefix, as it does not belong 
either to the body-part or the purely local group. Strictly speaking 
it should be considered the incorporated form of the demonstrative 
pronoun in its instrumental function. As was seen above, it may 
represent an instrumental noun, but, while the noun may itself be 
incorporated to denote the instrument, this is not the case with the 
demonstrative pronoun. For example: 

ga wede yap!a-wa-dom7iiga £ that not I-people-with-shall-kill ( = 1 
shall not kill people therewith) 

In other words, it would seem likely that such a form as ga al £ wa- 
ts!ayagi' £ n I wash him with that is related to an al £ wats!ayagi' £ n 
i wash him with it as, e. g., xi al £ wats!ayagi ,£ n i wash him with 
water, to the form alxits!ayagi' £ n i water- wash him, i. e., the wa- 
rn al £ wats!ayagi ,£ n is to be regarded as an incorporated ga that, it 
(such forms as *algats!ayagi' £ n have never been found to occur). It 
will be noticed that the verb-forms with incorporated wa- are nor- 
mally characterized by a suffixed -i- or -hi- ; as soon, however, as the 
verb loses its instrumental "face," this -i- is replaced by the normal 
-a-. Thus: 

wilau wats!ayagi' £ n arrow I-shoot 1 -him- with-it (with incorpo- 
rated wa-, wila y u arrow being outside the verb-structure and 
in apposition with wa-) 
but: 

ts!ayaga f£ n wi'lau wa y I-shoot-him arrow with (in which also wa- 
stands outside the verb-complex, acting as an instrumental 
postposition to wila x u) 
Examples of instrumental wa- are : 

(salxdeV)sal £ wsilats!agi /£ n I touched him with my foot (literally, 
my-foot I-foot-with-it-touched-him) 

(xtf)wsi e u u gwa'rihi I drink (water) with it 

(yap!a)wsit!omomi /£ n I kill (people) with it (but yapla t!omoma' £ n 
I kill people) 

alw Sits ley e¥wide £ I washed myself with it 

ga his do u mia gelwsigulugwi ,£ n I try to kill him with that (literally, 
that trying killing-him I-with-desire-it) 

se e l-wdds!elelamda £ n I write with it 

(mxde y ¥)wsigaya-iwi /£ n I used to eat with (my hands) 

1 Aorist ts.'ayag- shoot and aorist ts.'ayag- wash are only apparently identical, being respectively formed 
from stems smg- and tslaig-. 

§ 38 



92 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



(p K im)w&sana'MnV they will spear (salmon) with it 28.15 (cf. 
sancfnk* they will spear it) 
Although, as was suggested before, the prefix wa- as instrument 
may be ultimately identical with the adverbial wa- together (the 
concepts of doing something with, by means of it and doing 
something together with it are not very far removed), the two 
can not be regarded as convertible elements. This is clearly brought 
out in such forms as hem w2L £ iw2it!oxo'xi $ n i picked them together 
with stick. Literally translated, this sentence reads, stick i- 
together-hand-with-it-picked-them; the first wa- is the adver- 
bial prefix; i-, the general instrumental idea conveyed by the 
character of the verb (gather with one's hands) ; and the second 
wa-, the incorporated representative of the more specific instrument 
hem stick. If preferred, I- may be interpreted, though less prob- 
ably, as a local element (-iwa- = with it in hand) . 

2. Forfuaiion of Verb- Stems (§ § 39, 40) 

§ 39. GENERAL REMARKS 

By a verb-stem will be here understood not so much the simplest 
possible form in which a verb appears after being stripped of all its 
prefixes, personal elements, tense-forming elements, and derivative 
suffixes, but rather the constant portion of the verb in all tense and 
mode forms except the aorist. The verb-stem thus defined will in 
the majority of cases coincide with the base or root, i. e., the simplest 
form at which it is possible to arrive, but not always. Generally 
speaking, the aorist is characterized by an enlargement of the base 
that we shall term " aorist stem," the other tense-modes showing 
this base in clearer form; in a minority of cases, however, it is the 
aorist stem that seems to coincide with the base, while the verb-stem 
is an amplification of it. Examples will serve to render these remarks 
somewhat clearer: 



Aorist stem 


Verb-stem 


Probable base 


t/omom- 


doum~ 


doum- kill 


naga- 


ndag- 


nmg-{nag-) say to 


haal- 


hala- 


hml- answer 


oud- 


odo- 


dud- hunt for 


lohoi- 


loho- 


loh- die 


yuluyaU 


yulyal- 


yul- rub 



39 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



93 



By far the larger number of verbal bases are monosyllabic. Where 
the simplest radical element that can be analyzed out remains dis- 
syllabic (as in dawi- fly, agan- perceive, yimi- lend), the proba- 
bility is always very great that we have to reckon either with ampli- 
fications of the base, or with suffixes that have become so thoroughly 
amalgamated with the base as to be incapable of separation from it 
even in formal analysis; in some cases the dissyllabic character of 
the verb-stem is due to a secondary phonetic reason (thus dawi- is 
for dawy-, cf. dauy-; while in agan- the second a is inorganic, the 
real stem thus being *agn-) . Most bases end either in a vowel or, more 
frequently, in a single consonant; such as end in two consonants (as 
yalg- dive, s'omd- boil, bilw- jump) may often be plausibly suspected 
of containing a petrified suffixed element. 

The few examples of verb and aorist stems already given suffice to 
indicate the lack of simple, thorough-going regularity in the forma- 
tion of the aorist stem from the base. Given the verb-stem, it is 
possible only in the minority of cases to foretell the exact form of the 
aorist stem. Thus, if db u m- had followed the analogy of the pho- 
netically parallel na a g-, we should have in the aorist not tlomom-, 
but domo-; similarly, the phonetic similarity of odo- and loho- would 
lead us to expect an aorist stem lo u Ji-, and not lohoi-, for the latter. 
Nor is it safe to guess the form of the verb-stem from a given aorist 
stem. Thus, while the aorist lohoi- corresponds to a verb-stem loho-, 
yewei- corresponds to yen- return; nagai-, to na- say, do; and 
Jclemei-, to Jclemn- do, make. Mere phonetic form has, indeed, com- 
paratively little to do with, determining the relation of the two 
stems. This is clearly evidenced by the following cases of homony- 
mous but etymologically distinct bases with corresponding aorist 
stems. 



Verb base 


Meaning 


Aorist stem 




[1. mock 
[2. wrestle 


hemeham- 


Jieem- 


hemem- 




fl. work 
[2. relate 


hegwehagio- 


heegw- 


hegw(h)dagw- , hegwe- 






hagw- 




J. be finished 


henen- 


heen- 


J2. wait for 


henee- 




jl. find 


t.'ayag- 


daag- 


12. build fire 


t.'agdi- 



39 



94 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



The signification of the verb-stem gives almost no information 
as to the form of the aorist stem, the various types of aorist forma- 
tion being each exemplified by a heterogeneous array of verbs, as far 
as any discernible similarity of meaning is concerned. It is true that, 
in a comparatively few cases, certain types of aorist formation can 
be shown to be characteristic of intransitive verbs; but in these the 
formation of the aorist stem involves the addition of a distinct pho- 
netic element that has every appearance of being a worn-down suffix. 

Not the least remarkable feature of tense-formation lies in the fact 
that the most frequently used of the tense-modes, the aorist (equivalent 
to immediate future, present, and past), generally shows the derived or 
amplified form of the base; while the far less important tense-modes, 
the future, inferential, potential, and present and future imperatives 
employ the generally more fundamental verb-stem. In its naked 
form the aorist stem appears as the third person subject third per- 
son object aorist transitive. For example: 

tlomom he killed him 
naga s he said to him 
-Tial he answered him 
o'H he hunted for him 

The bare verb-stem appears as the second person singular (third per- 
son object) present imperative intransitive and transitive. For ex- 
ample : 

do u m kill him! 
odo s hunt for him! 
na K say ! do ! 

and as the first element of the periphrastic future, that will later 
receive treatment. 

In striking contrast to the extensive use in Athapascan of distinct 
and unrelated stems for the singular and plural, only a very few such 
cases have been discovered in Takelma ; and even in these the singu- 
lar stem may, it seems, also be used in the plural. 



Sing, verb-stem 


PI. verb-stem 


Sing, form 


PI. form 


s-as'- stand 
s'u £ al- sit 


sal-xogw- 
al-xalli 


s-as'ini he stands 

baa-saasa'sde* (= saas- 
sas-) I come to a 
stand 

s , u e wiTit'e t (= s'u £ aU-) 
I am seated 


sal-xogwi they stand 

bdasal-xo'xiginak' (= 
xog-xag-) we come to 
a stand 

al-xallyana y k' we are 
seated 



39 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 95 

It is interesting to observe that, while stand and sit are intran- 
sitive in the singular, the plural stems sal-xog w - and al-xall 1 - make 
transitive forms with a third personal object {-ancfV first person 
plural aorist transitive, -i"Y intransitive; cf. tlomomancfV we kill 
him, but s'as'inip'iV we stand and s'u £ wilip'i¥ we are seated, dwell, 
stay). 

The great majority of verb-stems are either necessarily transitive 
or intransitive, or are made such by appropriate suffixes. Only a 
few cases occur of verbs that are both transitive and intransitive, 
the respective forms being kept distinct only by the varying pro- 
nominal suffixes. Such are : 

moyugw-a f n-te £ I am spoiled, and moyugw-an-a' £ n I spoil him 
ligi-n-£e £ I rest, and lig^-n-a^n I rest him 

Tc!uwu f£ they ran away in flight, and Jcluwu he sowed, threw 
them about 

Certain forms are alike for both transitive and intransitive; e. g., 
second person plural subject: k!uwuwaYp\ 

§ 40. TYPES OF STEM-FORMATION 

In looking over the many examples of verb and corresponding 
aorist stems obtained, it was found possible to make out sixteen types 
of stem-relations. Of this large number of types about half are of 
frequent occurrence, while of each of the rest but few examples have 
been found. It is not claimed for a moment that all of these types 
should be regarded as being exactly on a par, but merely that they 
have the value of forming a convenient systematization of the some- 
what bewildering mass of methods of radical or base changes encoun- 
tered. It is very probable that some of these are ramifications of 
others, while some types show more or less petrified suffixes that for 
some reason or other became specialized in certain tenses. As com- 
parative linguistic material is entirely lacking, however, we can not 
make a genetic classification of types; a purely descriptive classifi- 
cation must suffice. 

In the following table of types of stem-formation, c means conso- 
nant; v, vowel; c!, the fortis correspondent of c; c 1} c 2 , and so on, other 
consonants; v v denotes pseudo-diphthong; other letters are to be 
literally interpreted. 

§ 40 



96 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
Table of Types of Stem-Formation 



[BULL. 40 



^ 


Formula verb-stem 


Formula aorist stem 


Example verb-stem 


Example aorist stem 


1 


v+c 


V»+C 


ob- dig up 


o«6- 


2 


v+(c) 


V+C+V 


yo-be 


yowo- 


3 


V+C+Ci 


v+c!+v+ci 


(nits'- laugh. 
\masg- put 


uyiits.'- 
mats.'ag- 


4a 


VV+C 


v+c+v+i 


t'wg- cry 


Vagai- 


46 


v+c+v 


v+c+v+i 


loho- die 


lohoi- 


5 


v+c+v 


w+c 


yana- go 


yaan- 


6 


vv+c! 


vv+c 


p'ot.'- mix 


p'oud- 


la 


C+W+Ci 


c!+v+c\+v 


deeb- arise 


tlebe- 


76 


C+VV+Ci 


c.'+v+ci+v+i 


dfiugw. W ear 


t.'ugui- 


8 


C+VV+Ci 


c!+v+C\+v+ci 


goul- dig 


k'olol- 


9 


C+W+Ci 


c!+v+y+v+c\ 


ddag- find 


Hayag- 


10a 


C+V(+Ci) 


C+V+C(+Ci) 


lou- play 


mi- 


106 


C+V+Ci 


C+V+C\+C{+V) 


sana- fight 


saans- 


11 


C+V+Ci+C 


C+V+Ci+V+C 


yawy-talk 


yawai- 


12 


C+VV+Ci 


c+w+ci+c+a+ci 


t!eu- play shinny 


UhiV.au- 


13a 


c+v+Ci+c+a+ci 


c+v+ci+v+c+a+ci 


sensan- whoop 


senesan- 


136 


c+v+ci+c/+a+ci 


c+v+c\+v+c!+a+c\ 


dillt.'al- stuff with 


diiliit.'al- 


13c 




C+V+Ci+V+C+Ci 




lobolb- be accustomed 
to pound (also 
lobolab-) 


14 


v+c 


v+c+v+n 


xeeb- do 


xeben- 


(15a 


— 


-H 


s-as-an- stand 


s-as-inli-) 


(156 


-as 


-%i 


dink las- lie spread out 


dink !U-) 


(16 


v+c+ci+i 


V+C+V+Ci 


k.'alsi - be lean 


h.'alas-) 



Not all forms find an exact parallel in one of the sixteen types 
here listed. There is a considerable number of more or less isolated 
cases left, particularly of frequentative or usitative forms, that it is 
difficult to classify ; but on closer examination some at least of these 
are seen to be secondary developments. Verb-stem al-sgalwal(w)- 

KEEP LOOKING BY TURNING HEAD SLIGHTLY TO SIDE, as Compared to 

aorist stem al-sgala a l(aw)-, looks anomalous because of its apparently 
inserted first -w-; but these two forms become explicable as frequen- 
tative developments, according to Type 8, of their corresponding 
simplexes, verb-stem al-sgalw- look by turning head to side and 
aorist stem al-sgalaw-. It will be convenient to dispose of such 
anomalous and difficult cases under such headings as allow them to 
appear as at least comparatively regular formations. It should not 
be supposed that a particular verb-stem always and necessarily 
involves a fixed aorist stem in all possible derivations of the verb, 
though in probably the larger number of cases such a fixed parallel- 
ism may be traced. As examples of the occurrence of more than one 
aorist stem to match a verb-stem may be mentioned : 
§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 97 

verb-stem -xlkl- see; aorist Type 6 -zl l q- and Type 2 -xikH-xa- 
see (without object) 

verb-stem yen- return; aorist intransitive Type 4 yewei-, causa- 
tive Type 2 yewe e -n-, and, according to Type &, yewew-ald- 
go back for some one 

There are few if any verbs whose verb and aorist stems absolutely 
coincide. If in nothing else the two differ at least in the quantity 
of the stem vowel, the aorist stem always tending to show a long 
vowel. In some cases the two (dissyllabic) stems seem identical in 
phonetic form because of the persistence of an inorganic a in the 
second syllable of the verb-stem and the presence of a repeated 
radical a in the second syllable of the aorist stem. Sometimes only 
certain of the forms built on the verb-stem exhibit the inorganic a; 
in such cases the secondary character of the a is directly proven by 
the forms that lack it. A case in point is: 

aorist stem ts'layam- hide; verb-stem ts' ! ay[aYm- and ts'!a-im- 

Other verbs, however, are phonetically so constituted as to require 
the presence of the inorganic a in all forms derived from the verb- 
stem. Such are: 

aorist stem agan- feel, hear; verb-stem ag[a]n- 
aorist stem plahan- be ripe, done; verb stem p!ah[a]n- 

Under such circumstances ambiguous forms may result; e. g., 
it>a £ agamY may be construed either as an aorist (you felt it) or as 
a potential (you would feel it) derived from the stem ag[a]n-. 
But evidence is not lacking even in these cases to prove the inor- 
ganic character of the second a in the non-aorist forms. One test 
has been already referred to in another connection — the incapability 
of a secondary diphthong (a diphthong involving an inorganic a) to 
have a rising accent. Thus: 

aorist <2a a£ agan (-aga N n) he heard it; but imperative cZa^agfa'Jn 
hear it! 
A second test is the failure of inorganic a to become ablauted to e. 
Thus: 

aorist plehen- a'nxi he causes me to be done; but future p!eh[a]n- 
a'nxinlc he will cause me to be done 

The various types of stem-formation will now be taken up in the 
order of their occurrence in the table. 

1 Brackets indicate an inorganic element. 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 7 § 40 



98 BUREAU OF AMERICAN - ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Type 1. Verb-stem v + c; aorist ^ + c. In this type are embraced 
partly monosyllabic and partly dissyllabic verb-stems that either 
seem to undergo no change at all in the aorist or merely lengthen 
the stem-vowel. The number of verbs that follow the type does not 
seem to be very great. Examples: 

Verb-stem^ Aorist stem 

woga /£ f he will arrive (196.20) wo u k* he arrived 47.15 

oba'n I shall dig it up o u ba' £ n I dug it up (48.7) 

ji y lf copulating 86.5 jVla^n I copulated with her 26.3 

ugwa'n I shall drink it (162.17) u u gwa ,£ n I drank it 186.3 

hogwana'n I shall make him run ho u gwana ,£ n I made him run 

(138.2) (79.2) 

7iin £ x-mwa' £ s coward 76.5 ; M^x-n^wa^n I was afraid (17.7) 

(160.19) 

wife 6 1 shall travel (178.11) wif e £ I traveled (90.1) 

t!Fla/mmde e I shall go fishing t \i i la'mxade £ I went fishing 

yimi'Mn I shall lend it to him j^mija^n I lend it to him 

(98.14) (98.15) 

huli'nf e e I shall be tired out hu u li'nf e £ I was tired out (102.1) 

hagaif e e I shall have a cold thrill hagaif e £ I had a cold thrill 166.1 

lohona'n I shall cause him to die loh.6 u na f£ n I caused him to die 

(100.8) 

al-ge'y&ride* I shall turn my face al- geya,na /£ n I turned my face 

As regards the accent of the stem syllable, the examples show that, 
whenever accented, it takes the rising pitch when long, the raised 
pitch when short (and final). Compare further: 

o u f he dug it up 124.5, 12 Mn £ x-niu he was afraid 

u¥ w he drank it 162.20 al-geya y n he turned his face 

Type 2. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v. If, as seems probable, 
the second consonant of verbal bases ending in two consonants is in 
many cases really a petrified suffix, a very large proportion of those 
verbs that might be listed under Type 3 really belong here, thus 
making Type 2 probably the most numerously represented of all types. 
In some forms it is possible to detect the derivative character of the 
second consonant by a comparison of etymologically related forms 
that lack it; e. g., in ts'Ielm- rattle (aorist ts'Ielem-), the -m- is 
shown to be a suffix, though of no determinable signification, because 
of its absence in the corresponding frequentative ts'!elets'!al-. A 
corroborative phonetic test lies in the treatment of the first con- 
sonant of the cluster, in so far as verbs following Type 3 show a fortis 
in the aorist as against a media or tenuis in the verb-stem, while those 

§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 99 

of Type 2 suffer no change in this respect; e. g., verb-stem wism- 
move has aorist according to Type 3, wits' Urn-, as contrasted with 
verb-stem fgism- get gkeen with aorist of Type 2 tfgisim- (t'gism- 
should therefore be analyzed as base t'gis- + suffix -m-). This 
criterion enables us to pick out an otherwise unsuspected suffix in 
verbs like tlapg- finish, aorist tlabag- (not Type 3, *t!ap!ag-), but 
can be applied only where the first consonant of the verb-stem is s, 
h, d, or g. A more general phonetic test would seem to be the 
position occupied by the inorganic vowel -a-. In those cases in 
which we have most reason to consider the second consonant as 
part of the base, this -a- follows the cluster as " constant" a; while 
otherwise, and indeed in the majority of cases, it is inserted between 
the two consonants: wisma f t' L e e I shall move (base wism-), but 
t'gisa f mt'e e i (as plant) shall get gkeen. An application of these 
various criteria, were sufficient material at hand, would probably 
show that but a comparatively small number of verbs follow Type 3. 
Examples of verbs of Type 2 are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

i-tlani'n I shall hold him (28.11) S-tlanaWn I held him 73.16 

wa-k \b n ya'n I shall go with him wa-k !oy 6 s n I went with him 

(33.15) 

o'sbin (= ? ok-s-) I shall give it ogu'sbi s n I gave it to you 23.3 

to you (178.15) 

oina'n I shall give it oyona' £ n I gave it (180.20) 

yalxaldan I shall lose it (188.18) yaXsLxaldafn I lost it (77.10) 

yo'*V I shall be (33.10) yowo*V I was (42.1) 

nak'mF he will say to him naga N he said to him 180.7 

(94.16) 

da-sgsiipxde e I shall lie down da-sg^y Si'pxde 5 1 amlymg down 

Vu u ga'H K it will get hot tufu'^F it got hot 94.15 

s'omda'n I shall cook it s'omoda' e n I cooked it (58.10) 

Examples illustrating the intrusive -a- are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

bua'ut*e e I shall jump (160.17) bflititV I jumped 1 (45.14) 

m&ada'n I shall love her m^da'^n I love her 

kliya'Fde 6 1 shall come 196.1 -k\iyi'Fde e I came (156.24) 

gma'¥de e I shall go somewhere gjm'Vde 8 I went somewhere 

14.3 21.10 

dHwa/Jc K de e I shall be good dHwuVde* I was good (146.7) 

1 Perhaps best considered as belonging to Type 3 (verb-stem bilw-). 

§ 40 



100 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

xuma'V de e I shall be satiated xumu'F^e 6 I was satiated 

(130.18) 
w\ya!Vde e I shall groan vriy\ f Yde £ I groaned (192.11) 

xuda'mf e e I shall whistle xudum^V I whistled (33.16) 

ts-\ela'mfe e I shall rattle ts'Ielem^V I rattled (102.13) 

ts'\us.a'm£e e I shall make whis- ts'Ius'um^V I made whistling 
tling noise by drawing in noise (78.9,10,12) 

breath between teeth and 
lower lip 
Wga'nf e e I shall rest ligmf e £ I rested (79.2,4) 

yala'nf e e I shall be lost (cf. 14.3) yala?if e £ I am lost (note differ- 
ence in accent between aorist 
and future) 

It is to be understood, of course, that this -a- is in no sense a 
characterizing future or non-aorist element, as, when the phonetic 
conditions allow, it drops out altogether. This takes place when the 
consonant following the intrusive -a- is itself followed by a vowel. 
Thus the second person singular future (-ada' £ ) of some of the verbs 
listed has no -a-: bilwada' £ , gingada f£ , du u gada ,£ , wtfgada^, yalnada f£ . 
Similarly the simple stem xud- whistle appears in xufma /£ s whistler. 

In regard to vocalic quantity it will be observed that the verbs of 
this type divide themselves into two classes — those with short verb- 
stem vowel (such as t!an-, og-, s'om-d-, gin-g-, yal-n-) and those with 
long verb-stem vowel (k!o u y-, yal-x-ald-, Itfg-la^n-, fu u -g-, mll-[a]d-) . 
The first and second stem vowels of the aorist of verbs of the first 
class are regularly both short (t!ana-,ogo-, s'omo-d-, gini-g-, yala-n-); 
the aorists of the second class seem generally to have a short first 
but long second vowel (k!oyo u -, yala a -x-ald, ligtf-n-, fuwu u -g-, miltf-d-) . 
The verb na a g- (aorist naga-) say to and perhaps a few others (sgai- 
p-x-, aorist sgaya-p-x-; al-ts!di-g- wash aorist dl-tslaya-g-; but 
al-tslai-p- wash oneself, aorist al-ts!ayd a -p-) do not follow this 
rule. Of the verb yo- (aorist yowo-) forms of both accent classes are 
found {yofe e as well as yo'fe e , yowo'£e £ as well as yowofe £ ), and 
indeed a lengthening of the second vowel of aorists of the first class 
seems to occur with considerable frequency. The rising for long and 
the raised for final short stem vowels seem to be the normal accents 
for verbs of Type 2, whether the stress falls on the first or second 
(in aorists) vowel. If, however, the accented vowel is followed by a 

§ 40 



boasI HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 101 

glottal catch or fortis consonant the accent, as generally in such a 
case, is a falling one. Thus: 

s'o' u£ F6fde e I shall jump (148.8) ) s'ow6 ,u£ ¥6pde £ I jump (48.15 ; 49.1) 
Such forms as wa-Tcloyo £ n are only apparently opposed to the rule 
(see § 65). 

Type 3. Verb-stem v + c + c t ; aorist v + c! + v + c v The most 
satisfactory test of a verb of this type is the intervocalic fortis 
consonant of the aorist stem as contrasted with the correspond- 
ing non-fortis consonant of the verb-stem. As only the minority of 
base-final consonant-clusters begin with a consonant that is capable 
of being changed to a fortis, there are in the material available only a 
few verbs to which the test can be applied. Those showing an 
intervocalic fortis (changed from non-fortis) in the aorist stem are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

I-lasgi'n I shall touch it ^lats !agi'% I touched it 

masga/n I shall put it (102.15) mats!aga/ £ ?i I put it 74.13 

wismada ,£ you will move wits' limaY you moved 148.16 

yo'k'ycm I shall know it (162.6) yok\oya' £ n I knew it 50.5 

\opdia' u£ tf it will rain lop!odia' u ~ r it rained 152.11 

In other verbs of this type the only characteristic of the aorist 
stem is the repetition between the consonants of the cluster of the 
stem-vowel. The following verb-forms exemplify this group, with 
the reservation that if in any case the second consonant of the 
cluster be really a suffix, the form should be assigned to Type 2. 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

t !amy ana'n I shall go to get her t !amay ana /£ n I went to get her 

married (150.5,19) married (148.5) 

ts!a-uya /e s fast runner 138.2 ts!awaife £ I ran fast 

di £ -ii' its' \amf fool him! ^uyu'tsMara^a^ I fooled him 

baxma'f e el ( = haxm-) I shall come baxamf e £ I came (114.16) 

ga-iwa'Ti I shall eat it 128.18 gayaw& /£ 7i I ate it 30.11 

moigwana'n I shall spoil it moyugwana /£ n I spoiled it 

(31.12) 

yo' u£ snan I shall scare him (186.10) yowo /£ sna £ n I scared him 

(186.10) 

malgim'n I shall tell him malagmi /£ n I told him (30.15) 

ba-i-xilgwi'n I shall snatch it fra-i-xiligwi /£ 7i I snatched it out 

out (33.4) 

i This verb clearly belongs to Type 3 because of constant -a- following -xm-. Had it belonged to Type 2 
it would have assumed the form *baxa'mt'ee. 

§ 40 



102 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

gwel-\eisde e I shall be lame gwelAe'ye e sde £ I am lame 

Jdawif e e I shall fly (166.18) dawaif e £ I flew (166.18) 
\d&-\iya f£ s flyer 

ba-i-hemga'n I shall take (food) ba-i-h.emega' £ n I took (food) 

out (16.10) out (58.9; 118.12) 

han-gVlba'n I shall put (beam) lian-g\\iba ,£ n I put (beam) across 

across (176.3) 

ba-i-klsflsi'n I shall take it out ba-i-h\siWsi £ n I took it out 

^ (25.4) 

ip'elga'n I shall go to war against ip'elega^n I went to war against 

them (124.19) them (110.4) 

yamda/7i I shall ask him (70.6) yamada'^ I asked him (56.3) 

yi'ms'aldan I shall dream about yiraVs- alda £ n I dreamed about 

him him 186.3 
Jia-u-hsi f ii £ sdd a it will stop (rain- &a-u-hana /£ s it stopped (rain- 
ing) (198.9) ing) 196.8 
yb n ga'n I shall marry her (192.16) yowoga /£ n I married her (43.3) 

As long as the first consonant of the cluster is a semivowel (w, y) 
or a liquid or nasal (I, m, n), the question as to whether the verb 
belongs to Type 2 or Type 3 is a purely etymological or historical one. 
Descriptively it makes no difference whether a form like p'elega f£ n 
i went to war against them is derived from p'eleg- by the inser- 
tion of the stem-vowel -e- between I and g (Type 3), or from p^el-g- 
by the addition of the -e- to a base p'el- (Type 2). From a purely 
descriptive point of view, then, the most typical aorist formation in 
Takelma may be said to be characterized by the repetition of the stem- 
vowel immediately after the first consonant following the stem-vowel. 

From the point of view of vocalic quantity the verbs of Type 3 
fall into the same two classes as those of Type 2 — such as have a 
short vowel in the stem (tlamy-, tslawy-, malg-, p'elg-, hants!-) and 
such as have a long vowel (Hits'!-, gtflb-, ]c!d a ls), these latter being 
apparently much less numerous than in Type 2. The quantity of 
both the stem vowels of the aorist is regularly short, even when the 
verb-stem vowel is long (gilib-, Iclalas-) ; only rarely is the second 
vowel of the aorist stem long (leye e s-, uyilHs'l-). The accent of 
stressed stem vowels follows the same rules as in the case of verbs of 
Type 3 (dowaife £ , han-gili^p' with rising or raised pitch; but 7iana f£ s, 
he /i£ x-dd a he will be left over, uyu ,ji£ s'de £ i laugh, with falling 
accent because of the glottal catch). 

§ 40 



boasj HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 103 

Type 4. Verb-stem v v + c(+v); aorist v + c + v + i. Verbs of this 
type are intransitive, the -i-, though confined to the aorist, being 
evidently in some way connected with the intransitive character. 
That it is really a derivative element characteristic of the aorist is 
shown by its conduct in transitive forms derived from the intransitive. 
In the causative in -n- it drops out : 

t'aga a 7m /£ ?i I make him cry 
while in certain other transitive derivatives it is preserved: 

Va,g8Ljagwa' e n I cry having it 
The contradiction in treatment is here only apparent, as the absence 
or presence of the -i- would seem to depend not so much on the 
transitive or intransitive form of the verb as on whether the action 
expressed by the verb is logically transitive or not (in a causative the 
action is necessarily directed toward an object, in a comitative the 
formal object is not concerned in the action of the verb at all) . Types 
4a and 4b may properly be considered subclasses of Types 2 and 1 
respectively, though it should be noted that the -i- occurs nowhere 
except in one special tense — the aorist. Examples of Type 4a are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ye'u^V I shall return (92.24) yeweftV I returned (58.9,13) 

p!ak f Je* I shall bathe (58.5; 118.7) p!agai*V I bathed 58.2 

Vak'de' I shall cry (29.11) t'agaftV I cried (29.13; 62.2) 

na'^V (irregular) I shall say, do 196.5 nagaftVIsaid,did 126.3; 180.1 

Even less numerous are the examples of 4b that have been found: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

lohoY dead (98.10; 170.1; 186.21) lohoIJV I died 184.18 
leheY drifting dead to land lehe' i£ he drifted dead to land 

75.5 

The aorist of verbs of Type 4 regularly have the rising accent on 
the i- dipthong formed by the repeated stem vowel and the i- suffix. 
The stressed stem-vowel of forms built on the verb-stem regularly 
has the rising (4a) or raised accent (second vowel of 4b) . na-, which 
is irregular also in other respects, has a short vowel in the verb-stem 
and takes the raised accent in non-aorist forms under appropriate 
conditions (naY saying; na y say it!). 

Type 5. Verb-stem v + c+v; aorist v v + c. This type of verb is 
morphologically very difficult to understand, as it is in effect the very 
opposite of Type 2. Morphologically yana- go : t!an- hold = yd a n- : 

§ 40 



104 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



t!ana~; but phonetically the proportion would gain in symmetry by 
reversing the positions of its first and third terms. Examples are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 



wsL a giwi' £ n I brought it to him 

(176.17) 
we e ga'si he brought it to me 

(194.11) 
yanf e £ I went 14.7 
haxde £ I burnt (98.1,4) 
dak'-da-ha a H /£ 7i I answered him 

(122.4; 146.14; 180.18) 
lap' he carried it 160.9 
sa a gwa /s ?i I paddled it (14.6) 
wet* gi he took it from him 16.13 ; 

(76.1) 
le e ba /£ ?vX picked and ate it 94.5, 12 
se e ba' £ n I roasted it (118.10) 
he e£ -ms'i he went away from me 

(184.14,15) 
liawax-xlut* e £ I am rotting (100.1) 
o u da' £ n I hunted for it (13.9) 
wo u lt* he went to get it 160.4 
j) K dyamda £ n I smoked them out 

(76.11) 
■yo u mIya' £ n I caught up with him 
(final -l l - of aorist stem unex- 
plained). (140.14) 

The two stem vowels of the verb-stem are always short in quantity, 
the second regularly having the raised accent (imperatives yana y , lebe y , 
odo y , woo y ) } The long stem vowel of the aorist, when stressed, takes 
the rising accent. To this latter rule there is one curious exception. 
The verb odo- hunt for always has the falling accent on the o u of 
the aorist (d' u f he hunted for it 13.9 ; 88.8, never *oH* ), but the non- 
aorist forms follow in everything the analogy of other verbs of this 
type. This anomaly is quite unexplained. Can it be that a leveling 
out of two originally distinct paradigms has taken place {*o u d- , odo y - of 
Type 5 and o' u d- , *d'W- of Type 6)? 

Type 6. Verb-stem v^ + c!; aorist v v + c. Most of the verbs that 
follow this type have as second consonant in the aorist one capable of 

1 Such forms as lebe'n, with falling accent on the second vowel, are only apparently opposed to this 
rule, as in these cases the falling accent regularly goes with the personal ending -n. Practically all vio- 
lations of the accent rules found in the examples are of this merely apparent character and will be readily 
explained away when the subject of personal endings is considered. 

§ 40 



wagaici'n I shall bring it to him 

(45.6) 
wege' sink* he will bring it to me 

yanaY e e I shall go 14.3 
haxaY e e I shall burn (92.29) 
daV-da-hsbWhin I shall answer 

him 
laba N carry it! (70.5); 192.8 
sagwa x paddle it! 112.3,9 
wede'FmF he will take it from 

him (16.10,11; 17.10,11) 
lebe'?i I shall pick it up and eat it 
sebe'Ti I shall roast it (44.6) 
lie e£ -lw\ F xink* he will go away 

from me 
7iawax-xiwYt*e e I shall rot (194.8) 
o&o'n I shall hunt for it (116.7, 11) 
wooVF he will go to get it (162.8) 
ip*\iyumda'n I shall smoke them 

out 
yomo'Ti I shall catch up with him 

(46.7; 136.12,13) 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



105 



k "wsi fa xde £ I woke up (16.3, 5) 
xd a -\si /a da £ n I put it about my 

waist 
la-H-Vba, ,a gi £ n I burst it (24.17) 

wa-sg& /!l bi £ n I made it tight (140.6) 
al-xi n gi £ n I saw him 188.9 



becoming a f ortis ; such as do not, introduce a catch before the second 
consonant in non-aorist forms. There seem to be no primarily in- 
transitive verbs of this type. Examples of the type are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

£-kVa/ a k!wmIshall wake him up vkVa /a gwi £ n I woke him up 

16.4; (75.6) 
k*wa,' a£ xde e I shall wake up (190.5) 
xa a -Wtlan I shall put it about 

my waist 
la-H-Vb&'klin I shall burst it 

(118.5) 
wa-sga/p \in I shall make it tight 
al-xl'k\in I shall see him (146.21) 
de £ -l-wi'k\in I shall spread it out de £ -i-wi n gi £ n I spread it out 

(120.1) 
dak*-Ve' e k\in I shall give him to ^aF-tV e gi £ nIgavehim to smoke 

smoke (170.13) 
&<z -x6't Ian I shall win over him hd a -x.6 fu da £ n I won over him 

(170.9) (168.5) 

al-ld'k\wan I shall thrust it aZ-lo /u gwa% I thrust it (152.19) 

dal-ip'd'tlin I shall mix it (178.5) dal--p*d' u di £ n I mixed it 
de^i-mi't \in I shall drown him de £ -i-jm' u di £ n I drowned him 

(118.9) 
de-bu'klin I shall fill it de-bii^g^n I filled it (140.3) 

S'-gi e na*take it! (102.14) S-gl^na he took it 15.1; 45.13 

Despite the change of the second consonant from fortis to non- 
f ortis, it is not certain that it is always an integral part of the stem; 
in de-bu ,ji gi £ n the g (k!) seems to be a verbifying suffix (cf. de-bu'e 
full as adjective). The accent of the base of verbs of Type 6 differs 
materially from that of verbs of types heretofore discussed. The 
normal pitch-accent of most verb-bases is the rising tone for long, 
the raised for final short, vowels, unless a catch immediately follows. 
Thus in Type 5 daV-da-Ml he answered him; Type 2 nagcf he 
said to him; but with catch Type 4 naga H£ he said. The verbs, 
however, of Type 6, as will have been noticed, all have the falling 
accent in both aorist and non-aorist forms. This variation from the 
accentual norm becomes intelligible if we remember that a fortis 
is the equivalent of a catch + a media; e. g., alxl'Tclin I shall see 
him; alxl ,£ Y see him! As the catch tends to bring about a falling 
accent before it, the falling accent peculiar to verbs of Type 6 may 
plausibly be ascribed to the fortis (i. e., glottal catch) quality of the 
final consonant of the stem. Compare also, in Type 3, lie'iklin 

§ 40 



106 BTJKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

I shall leave it over. The retention of the falling accent in the 
aorist, although the presumable cause of it has been removed, is an 
example of form-parallelism, and argues, at least in verbs of this 
type, for the secondary origin of the aorist stem. The relation 
between xo'tlan and xo' u da £ n is, then, the same as that which obtains 
between yowo' £ he was and yowo' u da £ when he was 79.7. 

The organic character of the fortis consonant of verbs of this type 
is still further evidenced by many derivative forms (iteratives, con- 
tinuatives, -xa- forms used to imply lack of object) which are reg- 
ularly derived from the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, even in their 
aorist forms. Thus from sgo'H!- 45.10 (aorist sgo' u d- 72.10) cut are 
derived the derivative aorists sgot!o'sgade £ i cut frequentatively 
(62.1), sgot!ol-Jia £ n i keep cutting it (108.8), sgut!u'xade £ i cut (with- 
out object) (92.2). Parallel forms are derived from most other verbs 
of this type, such as xl H lc!-, lo' u lc!-, sgl H/ p!- cut, sge'Hl- lift up. A few 
verbs of Type 6, however, form the aorists of these derivatives from 
the aorist stems of the simple verbs. Such forms are the frequenta- 
tives fbaga'fbag- 14.12 (from fba /a Jc!- 136.20) and sege'sag- 172.10 
(from se' e lc!- nod to, open door 138.18). 

Type 7 . Verb-stem c + v v + c t ; aorist c ! + v + c t + v ( + i) . The second 
sub-group (75) of this sparsely represented type of verbs is apparently 
related to the first (7a) as are verbs of Type 4a to those of Type 2. 
It is very improbable, however, that the characteristic -i- element 
of the aorist is morphologically the same in both Type 4 and Type 75, 
as verbs of the latter type are clearly transitive, while in Type 4 the 
-i- was found to be a clearly intransitivizing element. A further 
difference between the two types lies in the marked length of the 
repeated vowel in verbs of Type lb. This vocalic length is perhaps 
responsible for the loss of the -i- in certain forms; e. g., dl-ilugul 
he wore it, but di-t!ugti £ n i wore it. (See § 65.) 

Of Type la only the following examples have been found: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ba a -depde e I shall arise 196.3 bd a -t\ebe'fe £ I arose 186.14 

wa-dllnhin I shall distribute wa-t\i\i¥ni £ n I have distributed 

them them (130.4) 

dwe e p*dwa'px<ia they will fly tlweple' t!wap:z they flew with 

without lighting out lighting 

The last example follows also Types 6 and 13a. 

§ 40 



BOASl 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



107 



Aorist stem 

cZa-t!agai he built a fire 96.17 
d^-t!ugul she wore it 96.16 
t'gwsixa J iVwide £ I tattooed my- 
self 
kladal he picked them 
swadai he beat him in gambling 



To Type 7b belong: 

Verb-stem 

da-dak' build a fire! 
di-dvfig^nV she will wear it 55.9 
Vgwaf'xa'nt'gwide 6 I shall tattoo 

myself 
k!a a daViF he will pick them 

(116.17) 

The last three verbs happen to have stems beginning with a conso- 
nant or consonant-combination that does not allow of development into 
a fortis, so that there is no initial modification in the aorist. A few 
other transitive verbs have aorist stems like those of type 7b, but 
form their non-aorist forms according to other models, as the aorists 
Iclemei- make (only with third personal object; otherwise Tc!eme {e) -n-, 
corresponding verb-stem ]c!em-n- of Type 2) and yeMi- hear singing 
far away (verb-stem yehl 1 -). In both aorist and non-aorist forms 
the stem vowel or long i-diphthong, when stressed, bears the rising or 
raised accent (k!df pick them! bd a -t!ebeY he arose). 

Type 8. Verb-stem c + v v + c t ; aorist c! + v + c 1 + v + c v The aorist 
stem of this type is characterized by reduplication of Type 1 (see 
§ 30) combined, wherever possible, with change to fortis of the ini- 
tial consonant. Examples are: 

Verb-stem 

gaitV I shall grow (77.9) 
go u da'n I shall bury him (118.3) 
go u la'n I shall dig it 
gu u wa f n I shall plant it (94.10) 
do u ma'n I shall kill him (178.14) 
wa £ -l-dbxin I shall gather them 



ba-i-dixin I shall pull (guts) out 

dsfla'n I shall crack it 
dG e gwa f ldan I shall watch for 

him (116.20; 126.20) 
wa £ -i-de e mi f n I shall gather 

them (for war) 
b^ha'n I shall chop it (90.16) 
di-hvfigwa'n I shall start (war, 

basket) (110.21; 170.10) 
s'&^da'n I shall mash it 



Aorist stem 

klayalf e £ I grew (77.9) 
k\ododa /£ n I buried him (96.16) 
klolok'^ I dug it 73.10,14 
kluwuwa'% I planted it (132.10) 
t!omoma/ £ 7i I killed him 71.7 
wa £ -l-t \oxo'xi £ n I gathered them 

(112.6,11; 192.4) 
ba-i-t\\xYxi £ n I pulled (guts) out 

(92.17) 
t!alak/ £ ?i I cracked it 
t ! egwegwa r lda £ n I watched for 

him (118.2; 158.12) 
wa £ -i-t leme^m he gathered 

them (for war) 110.3 
p\sbhoba /£ n I chopped it (90.11) 
di-p !ugugwa/ £ ?i I started it 

ts-!adada' £ 7i I mashed it (130.23) 

§ 40 



108 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

s'umfan I shall boil it (170.16) ts'!umumiV?i I boiled it 

(170.17) 

de £ -i-s'ibin I shall close door de £ -i-ts'\ibibi' £ n I closed door 

(90.4) (90/5) 

ytfgwa'n I shall bite him (88.2) yegwegwa /£ 7i I bit him (88.3) 

\b u ba'n I shall pound them \oboba' £ n I pounded them 

(16.6) (16.9) 

lrma /£ f tree will fall (108.12) limi /£ m tree fell (108.11) 

helf e* I shall sing (106.15) helefcV I sang (104.2, 5, 6) 

In the transitive verbs of this type the repeated consonant of the 
aorist is found only when the object is of the third person; otherwise 
it is dropped, with lengthening of the preceding vowel. Thus: 

tlomoin he killed him 16.15; but tlomoxbi £ n he killed you(cf . 178.12) 
Before certain intransitivizing derivative suffixes, particularly -x- 
(see §56) and -xa- (see §53), the same loss of the repeated consonant 
of the aorist stem is to be noted. Thus: 

p!aba y p K he chopped it 90.11; but p!ebe'xa £ he chopped 55.6 
wa £ -l-t!emem he gathered them together; but da¥-t!emex they 
are gathered together 43.9; 136.11 

With -x- the preceding vowel is lengthened, with -xa- it remains 
short. The second consonant of the stems of verbs of Type 8 never 
involves a radical glottal catch, hence the falling accent is never 
found on either the first or second stem vowel. 

Type 9 . Verb-stem c + v v + c 1 ; aorist c! + v + y + v + c v This type is 
not at all a common one. It differs from Type la in that the added 
vowel (in every case a, as far as the material goes) is put before the 
last consonant of the base, the y serving perhaps merely to connect 
the stem -a- and added -a-. 

Of Type 9, examples are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

dEL & ga'n I shall find it (110.15) t!ayaga' £ ^ I found it (27.12) 

sa a ga r n I shall shoot him ts! ayaga/ £ ?i I shot him (45.13) 

da-dsLife e (-da a y-) I shall go to da-t\siysiife £ I went to get 

get something to eat (33.9) something to eat 1 (75.9) 

da-diiHdi'n ( = daiZcZ-, see § 11) I da-t\a,yaldi' £ n ( = t!ayai&Z-, see 

shall go to get it to eat (33.9) § 11) I went to get it to eat 

(76.9) 

1 This verb might be considered as entirely parallel to gday- (aorist lc.'ayai-) of Type 8. The deriva- 
tive in -Id-, however, seems to prove it to be of Type 9; the -Id- forms, if belonging to Type 8, would 
probably appear as *da-da,aya'ldin, *da-t\ayaya'ldi s n. 

§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 109 

Type 10. Verb-stem c + v ( + c) ( + O; aorist c + v .+ j * K + v). 



This type embraces the few verbs that form their aorist stem by 
merely repeating the initial consonant of the verb-stem. Of 10a, 
that is, those that introduce the initial consonant immediately after 
the stem-vowel, there have been found : 

Verb-stem Aorist stern 

lo u x to play 31.7; (31.6,8,9) lo u l*V I played 

lap'oV I shall become (25.2) la a l#V I became (also of Type 

15a) 186.19 
la a wa'?i I shall twine basket la a lwa^7i I twined basket (61.7) 

7ie e -i-\e' (})Jc !inl shall let him go he £ -i-\e'\ek!i £ n I let him go 
(182.20) (50.4) 

The last verb differs from the others in that it repeats in the aorist 
both the consonant and the vowel of the verb-stem; it is the only 
verb known which shows perfect duplication of the verb-stem (as- 
suming the suffixed character of the -Tel-) - 1 Perhaps -lekl- is misheard 
for -lelk!-. 

The only certain example of 10 h is: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

sana y spear it! (33.9) sans he speared it (110.20) 

The verb-stem here is of Type 5. The simple base (san-) is best 
seen in the fully reduplicated sd a nsa'n-sinia u£ they are fighting 
each other 23.14. An aorist of Type 10 b is probably also: 

lia-u-gwen-yutWlii ( = *yut!y-[^]i) 
he gobbled it down (cf. fre- 
quentative yutluyad-) 
See also aorist yc^mi 1 - under Type 5. Stems of this type are more 
frequent among nouns than verbs, e. g., help swan (see § 86, 5). 

Type 11. Verb-stem c + v-\-c 1 -{-c; aorist c + v + c 1 + v + c. Verbs 
belonging to this type differ in the aorist from those of the preceding 
type in that they introduce before the repeated initial consonant also 
the vowel of the stem, thus approaching in form the more fully 
reduplicating Type 13. Only a few examples of the type occur: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

loma'lf e e (a is inorganic) I lomokV I choked 

shall choke 
xalxa'm^V I shall urinate (cf. xala'xawiV I urinated 3 

xa a l-am- urine) 

1 There are many apparently perfect duplications of verb-stems in -a-, but the -a- of the second member 
is never a repetition of the stem-vowel. See Type 12. 

2 This verb is better considered as belonging to Type 13a, xalxam- and zalaxam- being respectively 
dissimilated f rom * xanxan- and *xanaxan- (see §21). 

§ 40 



110 BITBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Verb-stem Aofist stem 

yawiYe c I shall talk (cf. base yawalf e £ I talked (30.4; 126.2) 
yiw- talk) (126.2) 

da-ho ; k\o^na £ n I made bub- 
bles (base 16k!-) 102.22 
la £ -al-m.o f \ £ m.an I shall turn ba £ -al-m.o f \o £ m.a £ n I turned 

things over (base mol £ -) things over 

dd^je'h^n I shall go to where da a -yehel he went where there 
singing is heard was singing (see Type 71). 

106.10 
legwela'mdV^ I suck it out 

of it (186.18) 
la a mak/ £ ?i I quarrel with him 
(27.2) 
It is quite possible that many verbs whose verb-stem ends in a con- 
sonant identical with their initial consonant (and that one would be 
inclined to list under Type 2) really belong to Type 11. In such 
cases as: 

ging- go somewhere (aorist ginig-) 
k!iy[a]g- go, come (aorist kliyig-) 
gel-gul[a]g- desire (aorist- gulug-) 

it is not easy to decide whether the final -g- is a suffixed element, as 
in many verbs of Type 2, or a repetition of the initial consonant of 
the base. As to the genesis of the form in verbs of Type 11, it seems 
clear that it is only a secondary development of the far more richly 
represented Type 13. This is indicated by the existence of second 
forms of Type 13 alongside those of Type 11: 

da-bok!oba f Vna £ n I make bubbles yiwiya r ut x e £ I talk (148.9) 
mo f lo £ mala £ n I turn things over 
(170.16) 

A form like mo'lo £ mat' you turned things over may go back to 
a *mo'lo £ mlaV (Type 135), itself a reduced form of the fully redu- 
plicating mo'lo £ malaf ; but see § 65. 

Type 1 2 . Verb-stem c + v v + c lf - aorist c + v v -\-c 1 + c + a + c v Verbs of 
this type form their aorist by reduplicating the verb-stem according 
to Type 2 (see § 30) ; the a of the second syllable of the aorist stem 
is regularly umlauted to i by an i of the following syllable (see § 8, 
3a). Morphologically such aorist stems are practically identical 
with the verb-stems of Type 13a, though no further deductions can 
be drawn from this fact. Contrary to what one might expect, most 
verbs of the type show no marked iterative or frequentative signifi- 

§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 111 

cation. Examples of this rather frequently recurring type are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

sana'n 1 I shall fight him (28.15) sa a nsa'n*V I was fighting 184.13 
he e£ -sal-t K gu n ni'n I shall kick it Jie ee -sal-t t gunVgm.i s n I kicked it 

off off (24.17) 

tleuZV I shall play shinny t!eut!a'ufe £ I played shinny 

(47.7) 
vt!a a wi'n I shall catch him (33.8) £-t!aut!iwi £ n I caught him 33.4 
bau-dVga'n I shall make it stand 5a°-dik'daga £ 7i I made it stand 

up up (59.10) 

7ie ee -s'wl\x¥ it is torn vs*wils*wili £ 7i I tore it (73.3) 

ts!a a ga/ £ ^ he will step ts!a a k'ts!a ,£ k* he stepped 32.9 

da £ -i-bd u di'n I shall pull out his dd £ -i-boVbidi £ n I pulled out his 

hair hair (194.7) 

bd-l-sgei a gi' 'n I shall pick it up &o-$-sgak'sgigi € 7& I picked him 

up (32.12) 
\& a wi'n I shall call him by name la a liwi /c "n I called him by name 

(for la a - = lau- see § 7) (116.3) 

There is a tendency to prevent a long u-diphthong of the first 
syllable of the aorist stem from standing immediately before a 
diphthong-forming semivowel or consonant (y 7 w, I, m, n) of the 
second syllable. In such cases the u is either lost, as in the last 
example above (dissimilation is also a possible explanation) or a con- 
necting -i- is introduced between the u, which now becomes w, and 
the following consonant. Examples are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

leuxinV he will call me by name le e wila'us£ 2 he calls me by name 

59.7 

lirtfV I shall look (142.18) liwila'u^V 3 I look (59.14) 

The stem vowel of verbs of Type 12 is regularly long, and, when 
stressed, as it generally is in aorist forms, receives the rising accent. 
The a of the second syllable of the aorist stem is stressed only when 
forming a secondary diphthong with a following repeated radical 
element, in which case it receives a falling (IdHa'uhi he called him) 
or raised accent (7ie e£ -sal-£gu u ntfgcfn) . 

1 The various forms of this verb seem to be made up of three distinct stems. The non-aorist forms of both 
transitive and intransitive (sana'p'de e I shall fight) employ a stem (sana-) of Type 5. Most aorist forms, 
including the reciprocal aorist, use the stem smjisan- of Type 12 (seensa'nsi he fights me; sdansa'nsinik' 
we fight each other). The stem sdans- of Type 105 is probably limited to such transitive forms of the 
aorist as have a third person object (sdansa' s n I fight him; sans he fought him). 

2 Parallel form, perhaps with iterative significance, to leela'usi, § 7. 

s This verb has a short i in the first syllable of the aorist, so that, as far as the aorist stem is concerned, 
it seems to belong to Type 13a. Perhaps it is best considered a verb of mixed type (13a in aorist, 12 in 
non-aorist). 

§ 40 



112 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



Type 13. Verb-stem c + v + ^ + c + a + c^ aorist c+v+^+v+c+a 
+ c v For i- umlaut of the a see § 8, 3a. This type embraces a very 
large number of verbs, chiefly of iterative, usitative, or intensive sig- 
nification. Of these, some are the iterative or usitative derivatives 
of simpler verbs; others, again, are hardly found in simpler form, 
the action they express being of a necessarily repetitive character 
(e. g., rub, rattle, chew) ; in still others the repetitive idea is not 
strongly marked or is even absent. Of Type 13a, which covers prac- 
tically the whole number of type-cases, examples will be given under 
the characteristic stem-vowels. 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

(1) a: 
^-gaxgixi'ri I shall scratch him 
da-ts la'lts !ilm I shall chew it 



&6 e M;-kV £ p Vibm I shall chip 
them off 

(2) e: 

^ts'Je'lts'Jilm I shall rattle it 
i-he e gwa,'k tw nan (see § 19) I 

shall work 
al-gesga,sa'lfe e I shall be wash- 
ing 
se'nsanf e e I shall whoop 
hemhamaViF he will imitate 
him 

(3) o (u): 
aV-t ? gumt'ga^m squeeze and 

crack (insects) ! 
i-yulya r l rub it ! 
al-p /$*-ts * lu'lts • l&lhip* do ye 

put it on fire! 

(4) i: 

I-smilsmilm I shall swing it 

^-s^wi'ls'wilm I shall tear it to 
pieces 

ts'Jrnts-IanxoV I shall be an- 
gry 

i-s-i'ls-alM distribute it! 

de-k'iuk'&uVwan I shall 
brandish it before my face 
(172.11) 

yiwiyawa /£ s one who talks 
148.18 
§ 40 



i-gaxagixi /£ ?i I scratched him 
dar-ts\&Wts\ili e n I chewed it 
fo ee -i-k'ap!a'k*ibi e 7& I chipped 
them off (118.11; 120.16) 



t-ts'Iele'ts'IiK^n I rattled it 
$-hegwe'hak' w ra& e 7& I worked 

aZ-gesegasa/Zif e £ I was washing 

sene'sanf e s I whooped (180.15) 
heme'ham he imitated him 

24.4, 8 

(^'-t'gumu'tg'iim £ 7i I squeezed 

and cracked (insects) 
t-yulu'yili £ n I rubbed it 
al-p H^ts'luWts'lil^n I put it 
on fire (152.20) 

i-smili'smili^ I swung it (72. 10) 
^-s'wili's-wiK^ I tore it to pieces 

ts* ! inlets 'lemxde* I was angry 
(24.16; 148.15) 

is -ill's '&\Jii he distributed it 3 1 . 1 

de-k'iwi'k' 2LVi¥wa £ n I bran- 
dished it before my face 
(172.12) 

yiwiya' u£ he talks, makes a 
sound 148.9 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 113 

The verb-stem of the last example seems at first sight identical with 
the aorist stem, but the second i is to be explained as a connective 
element similar to the i of le e wilau- above (see under Type 12) ; 
yiwiyawa' £ s is thus developed from a theoretical *yiwyawa' £ s. 

The verb Va £ pVab- above illustrates a slightly divergent subtype 
of Type 13a. If the final consonant of the stem is a fortis, it appears 
as a non-fortis (voiceless media or aspirated surd according to the 
phonetic circumstances) when repeated. This phenomenon is best 
explained as an example of catch dissimilation; *Jc*ap!aJc*ap!- f i. e., 
¥a £ b £ a¥a £ b £ - is dissimilated to ¥a £ b £ a¥ab-, ¥ap!a¥ab- (see § 22). 
In non-aorist forms, where the fortis becomes a syllabic final, it 
naturally gives way to the equivalent catch aspirated surd. Further 
examples of this subtype are : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

£-sgo /£ t'sgidm I shall cut them £-sgot!o'sgidi e 7i I cut them one 

one after another (21.2,4) after another (144.2,3) 

7ia-u-gwen-ju ,£ Vyidin I shall ha-u-gwen-yutlu'yidtfn I gob- 
gobble them all down bled them all down (126.10) 

xa- £ i-sgl f£ psgibin I shall cut xa- £ i-sgrpli'sgihi £ n I cut them 

them through (21.2) through (22.9; 138.7) 

&a -tVk'tVscda ( = -tag-x-) bd a -Vek\e'VsLX they all bobbed 

they will all bob up up 

fra-i-a^-t'ga^st'ga^s stick out fea-i-^-t'gatsIa't'gisi^Istuck 

your anus! 164.19; 166.1,6 out my anus (166.8) 

In regard to vocalic quantity it will be noticed that both the stem 
vowel and the repeated vowel are generally short. Comparatively 
few cases are found with long stem-vowel in non-aorist forms (he e - 
gwagw-, swiHswal-, sgo u£ fsgad-) . Indeed the shortness of the vowel 
of the verb-stem is about the only mark of difference between verb- 
stems of Type 13 and aorist stems of Type 12. Thus: 

l-s'wi'ls'ival (non-aorist of Type 13) tear it to pieces! ; but l-s'wlH- 
S'wcfl (aorist of Type 12) he tore it (with one tear) 
A few verbs allow the repeated vowel, particularly in third personal 
forms, to be long; when stressed, as it generally is, it has a falling 
accent. Besides ts'linl'Hs'lanx- (also is'li'nlHs'lanx- or ts'H'nits'Ianx- 
190.19), may be mentioned: 

gwen-7iegwe' e hagwanhi he related it to him 57.9; cf. 59.6 

plulu'uplalhi they marched in single file 192.3 
In non-aorist forms the vowel, if long and stressed, takes the ris- 
ing accent; before a glottal catch, however, we regularly have the 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 8 & 40 



114 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

falling accent (sgd' u£ t'sgad-, sgi' i£ psgab-) . In the aorist the stress gen- 
erally falls on the repeated vowel. 

Only two verbs have been found that at first sight conform to 
Type 13 b. They are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

de e -i-ge'uk\iwin I shall tie (a de £ -i-gewe f k\iwi s n I tied it bow- 
salmon) bowstring-fashion string-fashion (cf. 88.5) 
du'ltlilm I shall stuff them into it dulu't!iH £ ^ I stuffed them into 

it (122.19; 138.17) 

This curious type of verb is easily explained if we assume that 
the bases are not gew- and dul-, respectively, but geu e - and dul £ -. 
They are, then, strictly comparable to verbs like -sgotlosgdd- dis- 
cussed above; instead of having a fortis consonant, i. e., a stop with 
glottal closure, as the final consonant of the base, they have a semi- 
vowel or diphthong-forming consonant (w, y, I, m, n) as the base final. 
The verb and aorist stems of geu £ - and dul e -, formed according to Type 
13 a, are theoretically *gew £ gau £ -, *gewe £ gau £ - and *dill £ dal £ -,*dulu £ dal £ -, 
respectively. Allowing, as in the case of the forms like VapIaFab- 
discussed above, for catch dissimilation, these forms are seen to be 
phonetically equivalent to geuklau-, geweklau- and dultlal-, dulutlal-, 
respectively (see § 12). If the initial consonant of the verb happens 
not to be a media, then there is no opportunity for the development 
of a fortis in the second syllable of the verb-stem. It is clear, then, 
that the following verbs are further examples of Type 13 b: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

ba a - e al-m.o'\ £ malan I shall turn oa a - £ aZ-mo / lo £ mala £ n I turn 

things over things over 

dd^t'mv^gal-Wu^iwin I shall da a -£ mu u gal-lewe f£ ]iwi £ n I shook 

shake shells in my ears shells in my ears 122.2 

7ia-u-gwen-yu'~n. £ yiiiin I shall Jia-u~gwen-junu f£ yrm £ n I gob- 
gobble them down bled them down (cf . yutluyad- 

above) 
The stem syllable of verbs of Type 13 b, when bearing the stress, 
naturally have the falling accent. 

Examples of Type 13 c are not common and have also by-forms of 
Type 13 a: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

gwida'k tw dan I shall throw it gwidi'k' w da £ ?i I threw it (122. 13); 
(a inorganic) cf. l-gwidigwidi ,£ n (108.21) 

lobo'lp'na^ I used to pound 
them; cf. lobo'lap'na^ (57.14) 
§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 115 

It is very probable that the -a- in the second member of redupli- 
cated stems (Types 12 and 13) is the inorganic -a- we have already 
met with. Its persistence, even in cases where the otherwise resulting 
phonetic combination is a possible one, may be ascribed to the ana- 
logic influence of the probably larger number of cases where its 
presence is phonetically necessary. 

Type 14. Verb-stem v + c; aorist v + c + v + n. The -n of the few 
verbs that make up this class is probably a petrified derivative ele- 
ment, yet it must be considered as characteristic of the aorist stem 
in an even more formal sense than, for example, the aoristic -i- of 
Type 4. The only examples that have been found are: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

xep'de 6 1 shall do so (110.22) xebenJV I did so (14.10; 168.10) 

waI£VIshallsleep(71.15; 142.14) wayan^V I slept (188.22) 

gwen-ipliVwan ( = -p!iy-) I shall gwen--p\iyi'ii¥wa £ n I lay on 

lie on pillow pillow 

p!e /£ f he will be lying down pleyen^V I was lying down 71.5 

146.9 

The last verb seems to insert a -y- in the aorist, between the -e- of 
the verb-stem and that of the aoristic addition, in the manner of 
verbs of Type 96. In regard to vocalic quantity these verbs differ 
among themselves. The verb-stem of all but wai- is long in vocalism. 
The first vowel of the aorist stem is short in every case, the repeated 
vowel is sometimes short (xehen-, pliyin-), sometimes long (wayd a n-) 
p!eye e n-. The stressed stem vowel bears a rising accent. 

The -n of wayd a n- and p!eye e n- is eclipsed before a catch in the 
third person: 

waya ,£ he slept 152.22; 154.6 

p!eye' £ he was lying down 49.5 
but: 

xebe' £ n he did it 78.9; 118.14 
The loss of the -n takes place also in the third person aorist of ya a n- 
Go(TypeS). Thus: 

ya' e he went 15.3,11; 59.1; 92.26 
subordinate form ya' a da £ 58.8 and (rarely) yd' a nda £ when he went. 

Type 15. Verb-stem j~' |; aorist stem -IK The ending -I 1 -, 

found in a considerable number of verbs of position, is not, properly 
speaking, a stem-forming element at all, as shown by the fact that 

§ 40 



116 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

suffixed elements may intervene between it and the base; yet, being 
wanting in the non-aorist forms of many verbs, it has something of 
the appearance of such. The non-aoristic -as- of a few verbs has 
absolutely no appreciable derivative force, and may be regarded as a 
purely formal element characterizing the non-aorist forms of the 
verb. As examples of Type 15 a may be given: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

s*a's*an£V I shall stand (cf. s - as°inife £ I stand (34.1; 77.9) 

23.6) 

s-u ,£ alf<? e I shall sit (55.11; s-u e wilftV I sat (21.1; 178.21) 

186.21) 

kVp'al^e 6 I shall be long ab- k'ebilif e s I was long absent 

sent (124.20) 

\s,p*de e I shall become (92.11; la a ll£V I became (see also 

166.14) Type 10a) 186.19 

Of examples of Type 155 may be mentioned: 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

dink!a's<Za a it will lie stretched dinkli it lies stretched out 

out 
t!obaga'scZd a he will lie like one tlobigi he lay like one dead 

dead (148.8) 

This non-aoristic -as- seems to occur also in: 

aa-sma-ima'sd<? e I shall smile a 7 a-smayafii he smiled 

which otherwise belongs to Type 2 or 3 (if the second -m- is part of 
the base) . 

Type 16. Verb-stem v + c + c t + i; aorist v + c + v + c t . This type 
embraces only an inconsiderable number of verbs. They are: 

« Verb-stem Aorist stem 

di-kl&'lside e 1 shall be lean in di-k\&Wsna £ n I am lean in my 
my rump rump 102.22 

gwel-sal-i\e f iside e I shall be gwel-sal-tleyesna £ n I have no 
lean in legs and feet flesh on my legs and feet 

102.22 

Several verbs of position that show an -% l - in the aorist show an -i- 
in non-aorist forms. Whether this -i- is merely a shortened form of 
the aoristic -$*-, or identical with the non-aoristic -%- of verbs of Type 
16, is doubtful; but, in view of the absence of the -l l - in non-aoristic 
forms of verbs of Type 15, the latter alternative seems more probable. 
Such verbs are : 

§ 40 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 117 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

da-sga,'lifd a it will lie scattered Ja-sgall it lies scattered about 

about 
p'ildrYd a flat thing will lie p'ildl flat thing lies 

t'ge'its'!kZd a round thing will lie t'geits - !! round thing lies 

(13824) 
S'einiV a a it will lie with open- s'eini it lies with opening on 

ing on top (like box) top 

s-u'k'diJa a it will lie curled up s*ugwidi it lies curled up 
wi /£ k'di^a° it will lie heaped wiklidiit lies heaped about 
about 
Of similar appearance, though the aorist (not the future) is transi- 
tive in form, is : 

Verb-stem Aorist stem 

dd a -sge'k!if e e I shall listen cZa a -sgek!iya/ £ 7iIlistened (third 

person Ja a -sgek !i 102.8) 

In speaking of verbs of Types 15 and 16, the terms verb-stem and 
aorist stem are used in a purely relative sense, the portions of the 
listed forms printed in Roman characters not being really on a par 
with those similarly marked in the first fourteen classes. These last 
two types have significance as such only in so far as certain elements 
of an essentially derivative character (-%*-, -v, -as-) are at the same 
time formal means of distinguishing aorist from non-aorist forms. 
It is not difficult to show that in several cases these elements are 
themselves preceded by non-radical elements. 

One or two aorists have been found in the material obtained that 
can not be well classified under any of the sixteen types illustrated 
above. They are: 

gwen- xoxog[w]a /£ ?i I string (salmon) together ( = fully redupli- 
cated xogxog- ; otherwise to be analyzed as xoxo-g- of Type 
10 a) 74.14 
saZ-s'a a xs*ix he slid 
This latter verb with its mysterious % l in the repeated syllable is 
absolutely without known parallel. Irregular is also the defective 
verb ei- be (see §60, fourth footnote) . 

3, Verbal Suffixes of Derivation (§§ 41-58) 

§41. GENERAL REMARKS 

Although the absolute number of non-pronominal suffixes in the 
verb is considerable (almost or quite thirty), the number of those 
that have a well-defined, more or less transparent signification is not 
large (hardly more than a dozen or so) when compared with what 

§ 41 



118 BUEEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

one is accustomed to in certain other American languages. Of these, 
barely one or two (a frequentative and a comitative) can be said to 
convey anything like a material notion, the rest being of the more or 
less formal or relational character met with in suffixes of inflective lan- 
guages — intransitivizing elements, causative, reflexive, passive, recip- 
rocal, and others of less easily described signification. Those suffixes 
that have no clearly defined value may be put in a class by them- 
selves as " petrified" suffixes, the justification for such a classifica- 
tion being purely descriptive; genetically they probably form a 
heterogeneous group. 

§ 42. PETRIFIED SUFFIXES 

In speaking of verbs of Types 2 and 3, it was pointed out that in 
a large number of cases certain consonants that one would naturally 
be inclined to consider part of the verb-stem could be shown by more 
careful analysis to be really of a suffixal character. The criteria for 
such a suffix are partly, as was there indicated, the existence of 
evidently related forms in which the consonant is lacking, partly 
certain phonetic features. In a considerable number of cases dif- 
ferent suffixes are found joined to the same verbal base, yet hardly 
ever determining so specific a meaning that their primary signification 
can be detected. The following examples, 

Vgeits'H something round lies (138.24) 

Vgeyeba f£ n I roll it 

fge e ya'lxde £ I run around 

al-fgeye't'giya s n I tie it around (my head) 188.5 

wi £ -i-fgeye' e ~k!in he is surrounded on all sides 48.13 

evidently all contain the same radical element or base (fgey-), 
which has reference to circular action or position. The suffixes 
-ts'l-j -b-, and -&/-, however, can not be shown to be directly respon- 
sible for the specific meanings of the different forms, these being 
determined chiefly, it would seem, by the succeeding suffixes, the 
prefixes, and the general form (transitive or intransitive) of the 
verb. Similarly, the forms Jie e£ -sgaya , pxde £ i lie down, da-sgaya- 
na /£ n i lie down, and possibly also da-sgall it lies scattered 
about (like grain), contain the same radical element (sga[y]~) ; but, 
as in the examples first cited, the abstracted suffixes -p-, -n-, and 
-1-, refuse to yield anything tangible. The stems galb- twist and 
gelg- twirl fire-drill are very probably related, though neither 
§ 42 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 119 

the difference, in vowel nor the use of different consonants can be 
explained. The same difficulty is met with in di'nikl a £ n I stretched 
it out (62.1) and hd a -dinl fi t\a £ n i hung them on line (59.9). In 
some cases a difference of suffix is associated with a difference 
of direction of verbal action, transitive and intransitive. Thus we 
have: 

al-ts!ayaga' £ n I wash him (64.5): al-is!ayd^de £ I wash myself 

(not reflexive in form) 
p!alaga' £ n I relate a myth to him: p!ala'ip*de £ I relate a myth 
ts!ayama f£ n I hide it (124.23) : ts!ayd^de £ I hide 

The various petrified suffixes found will be listed with examples 

under each. 

1. -h-. There seem to be two quite distinct -&- suffixes, one charac- 
teristic of transitives, the other of a certain group of intransi- 
tives. Examples of tr ansitive -b- are : 

fgeyeba' £ n I roil it (base fgey-), with secondarily intransitive 

derivative : 
al-fgeya x ])z it is round, (literally, it rolls) 
7ie e£ -sgaya'ipxde £ I lie down (derived, like al-Vgeya y ^x, from some 

such transitive as *~he e£ -sgayaba ,£ n I lay it down fiat, that, 

however, does not happen to occur in the material at hand) 
de £ -%-gene'^gwa he lay curled up like dog (also -geneuVwa) 
galaba ,£ n I twist it by rolling (cf . gdg- twirl fire-drill) 
sgilpx warm your back! (seems to imply *sgl i 1ba'n I shall warm 

his back) (25.8, 9) 

All intransitives in -h- (-£>'-), whether or not secondarily derived 
from transitives, belong to that class of verbs to be later dis- 
cussed as Intransitive Verbs, Class II. Among those with 
primarily intransitive -yf- are: 

al-ts!ayd^de £ I washed my face 

ts!ayd^de £ I hid 

v!ala f ^de £ I tell a myth 

s'in-xinixan^de £ I sniff (cf. xln mucus) 

s'as-a f rJia^de s I stand around (not trying to help anyone) (cf 

s'a's-anfe e I shall stand) 
s'in-wi f lV'Va^de £ I blow my nose 
la a -s'o'wd u£ ~k K a^de £ I jump up (48.15; 49.1) 

A number of Class II intransitive verbs show a suffixed -p- in all 
forms but the aorist. It is not possible to say whether this 
-p- is morphologically identical with the -p- of verbs like 

§ 42 



120 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

ts!ayap'de £ or not, but such seems likely. Intransitives with 
non-aoristic -p K - are : 

la^de e I shall become (92.11) (aorist la a Me e ) 186.19 

sana'pde e I shall fight (aorist sd a nsa f nVe £ [184.13]) 

tgun^de e I shall be cold (aorist fgunu¥de £ [90.3]) 
Finally, all Class II intransitives have a -p*- before the formal 
elements in the first person plural and impersonal of the aorist 
and future and in the imperative and inferential modes: 

s'as'inip'iY we stand 

s'a's'anip'ia u£ ? they (indef.) will stand 

s'a f s'a7vp K stand! 

s-a's-an^anp do ye stand! 

s'a's-an^ga £ m stand! (future) 

s'a's'an^V he stood, it seems 
There is small doubt, however, that this -p K - is quite distinct from 
the non-aoristic -p*- of verbs like lapde e , which occurs in 
the entire future. A form like lap become ! is in that event 
perhaps to be analyzed as ld a -p K -p\ the first -p- being the non- 
aoristic element found also in lapde e , while the second -p'- is 
identical with the imperative-inferential -p'- of S'a's-anj)\ 
This analysis is purely theoretical, however, as contraction to 
a single -p*- is unavoidable in any case. 

2. -pi-. This consonant is evidently a suffixed element in: 

lia £ -i-liu f lu-]y\i £ n I skinned them (cf. Jia^i-hu^u^Tbal they skinned 
them all 160.5) 

3. -'in-. Apparently as transitive element ~m- appears in: 

ts!ayama f£ n I hide it (124.23) (cf. ts!ayapde £ I hide [24.2]) 
As intransitive suffix it appears in : 
fgisi /£ m it gets green 

xudumfe £ I whistle (base xud-; related to xdeif flute [?]) (33.16) 

ts'!us'umfe £ I make noise by drawing in breath between teeth 

and lower lip (78.9,10,12; 79.1,3,5; 96.9,10,12) 

It may not be altogether accidental that the latter two verbs both 

express the making of a noise. This idea is found expressed 

also in: 

ts-!elem.fe £ I rattle (102.13) (cf. %-ts'lele r ts'!ili £ n I rattle it) 
but the -m- of this verb may be really an older -n- dissimilated 
to -m- because of the preceding -Z-. The -m- corresponds to 
an evidently identical suffixed -am- of the related noun ts'lela^m 
hail 152.12,16. 
§ 42 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 121 

4. -d- ? -f- seems to be found only with transitive verbs: 

wa a Jiimida f£ n I speak to him (but with, unexpressed object 

wa a liimi' 'xade £ I was talking [to somebody]) (59.16; 63.10) 
daV-7iene e da' £ n I wait for him (cf. ~hene'xade £ I wait) 
lc!uyumida /£ n I call his name from distance, greet him (198.11) 

(probably derivative of lclu'yam friend! 31.6, 8) 
s-omoda /£ n I cook it (58.10) (cf. s-umii r xade £ I cook) 
ts'!umumVa £ n I cook it (170.17,19); future s'umVan 1 (170.16) 

(cf. s'iimxi y stirring paddle 170.14) 
dd a -minl¥da £ n I taught him; future da a -mini'an 
lawadana f£ n I hurt him (186.12) 
yama&a"n I ask him (70.6; 74.10; 120.16) 
wiyimada' £ n I "wish" to him, work supernatural power on him 

(57.1) 
mffltfda^n I love her 
xa £ -i-ts- !iwi\ K he split it (26.6) (cf. i-ts'liwl'Hs'Iau he split it up) 

It will be noticed that most of the verbs listed imply, not direct 
physical action, but rather the direction of one's thought or 
words toward another person. It is therefore highly probable 
that the -d- (except possibly in s'omd- cook) is identical with 
the -d- implied in the -s m - (= -tx-) of the indirect object (§ 47). 
Unlike the -d- here discussed, however, the -S'- of the indirect 
object can be used only if the indirect object is not of the 
third person. It is clear that -d- is not really quite in line 
with the other suffixes that we have termed "petrified," 
this being shown, among other things, by the fact that it 
may be preceded by other suffixes, as in da a -min%-V-da £ n. 

Evidently quite distinct from this indirective -d- suffix is the 
-(a)d- suffix of a few intransitive class II verbs in which the 
-d- is followed by -% l - in aorist, -i- in non-aorist forms (see § 40, 
16). This aoristic -ad- appears always umlauted to -id-. 

cugwidP-, non-aorist cuVdi- lie curled up 
wlklidi 1 -, non-aorist wl £ Vdi- lie heaped about 
fgupfidi (box, canoe) lies bottom side up 

5. -#/-. This consonant has been found as an evident suffix in: 

hd a -di' 'nlt\ana e n I strung (dentalia) on line (59.9) (cf. dinkl- 

stretch out) 
fgemet\ia u£ it gets dark 188.14 (cf. fge e mfga y mx it is quite dark 

[cf. 195.7]; alfge'm black 162.4; [196.6]) 

1 s'orn-d- and s'uii-m-t' a- are parallel forms of one verb that seem to be used with no difference in mean- 
ing, though their aorist stems are formed according to different types. 

§ 42 



122 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

6. ™g-, -&'-. As in the case of -b- } it seems advisable to recognize 

two distinct -g- suffixes , the one appearing as a transit ivizing 
element, the other as a verb-making element added on to 
nouns or adjectives. Examples of its transitive use are: 

p!alaga f£ n I tell him a myth 

al-ts!ayaga' £ n I wash him (64.5) 

pl^-wa-gelegi^n I drill for fire with it (88.12) 

%-'k!us'gi , xinV he will pinch me (116.8,12) (cf. l-k!us'ulc! w as'i he 
always pinches me) 

da-t!abaga ,£ n I finish it (61.8; 176.6) 

da a -dalaga'mda £ n I put holes in his ear (22.1) (cf. dd a -dele r ^i he 
stuck it across his ear) 

swadafga £ n I run after him (59.13; 75.3; 120.19, 20) 
Examples of its use in adjectival intransitives are: 

fuwu' £ k" he feels hot, it is hot 94.15 (cf. fu hot 57.15) 

duwu' £ k* it is good, he does right 180.11 (cf. du good, beautiful 
58.7,8) 

fgunuk'de 6 1 feel cold (90.3) (cf. t'gun^ia u£ t K it will be cold) 

xuma n &de e I shall be full, satiated (128.11) (cf. xu'ma food 54.4 
&nds'ix-xu y m dried venison 43.12,13) 

gel-dulu n &de £ I am lazy 
Further examples of -F- that are difficult to classify are: 

de-lumu' 'sgade £ I tell the truth (184.3) 

s'in-willk'ap'dam you blow your nose 

yala ; k'de £ I dive (connected with yal- lose [?]) (60.10,11; 61.11) 
In wa-t!illk r ni £ n i gave each one (130.4) (future wa-dilnhin) and 
in the morphologically analogous dd a -minzk'da £ n I taught him 
(future dd a mint*an), the -V- is confined to the aorist. In wefgi 
he took it from him 16.13, the -g- is found only in the third 
personal object of the various tense-modes (wet* gin it was 
taken from him 13.11; wede'YinY he will take it from 
him (17.10,11) . All other forms of the aorist stem we e d- (verb- 
stem wede-) lack it : 

wesi (from *wefsi) he took it from me (17.3) 

wede'shinV he will take it from you (16.10,11) 

7. -/£/-, -k!w-. These elements seem to be characteristic of tran- 

sitives. Examples are: 
w% £ -%-t K ge'ye e \.\in he is surrounded on all sides (transitives and" 

passives are closely related) 48.5,13; (176.14) 
al-'p!i i -ts'!u , luk.\i £ n I burn it (73.9,12; 96.26) (cf. al-<p!i i -ts-!u f l- 

ts'Ialhip* do ye burn it! 198.10) 
§ 42 



boas] HANDBOOK OF TNDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 123 

fa e -%-sgu'yuk\i e n I make it fall (48.7,8,12) 

7ie e£ -de-le'lek\i £ n I finish talking 50.4 

di'nik\a £ n I stretch it out (see under suffix -U-) (59.9; 62.1) 

le'yek\i £ n I left it over (61.7; 196.8) 

p!uwu' u k\a £ n I name him (158.5) (cf . plil'wuplausi he keeps calling 

me) 
to-/Mii"k' he pinched it 31.1; (32.7) 
ba-i-yunu'k\i £ n I pull it out forcibly 
Tie^-i-le'meklvn I lulled them off (14.13; 43.1; 108.20) 
%-go f yok\i £ nI pushed him (49. 2) (cf . i-goyogiyi' £ n I kept pushing him) 
ba-i-s'in-xi'lik\wi £ n I blow my nose (cf. xln mucus) 
pla-i-t'gwili'klwantfn I spill (water, blood) (58.1; 72.8) (cf. 

£gwili'H*gwal e it keeps dropping) 

-kl- seems to occur also in the perhaps only secondarily intransitive : 
bd a -s'owd' u£ k'apde £ ( = -s'owo fu lc!-lia'p*-) I jump up (48.15; 49.1) 
(cf. s'o'wo u s'a u£ he keeps jumping [112.5,10]) 

8. ~ts*!-. Only in a very few cases is this suffixed consonant met with : 

fgeits'H round thing lies (138.24) 

dtf-?gumu'tc\i e n I squeeze and crack it (cf. dft-t' 'gumu r t 'gimi £ n I 
squeeze and crack many insects) 

yowo fu£ $ he starts 186.10; yowo' u ts\ana e n I cause him to start 

lia-yau-t' l ge r nei§\i £ n I put it about my waist 

lia £ w-%-li(i f nats \i £ n I made it stop (raining) (152.16) 
Judging from these few examples, -ts'l- is characteristic, like -b-, 
-g-, -p!-, -k!-, and -t!-, of transitive verbs; fgeits'H is probably 
related to a transitive *t'ge'yet$-\a £ n, as is dinkll it lies 

STRETCHED OUT to dl' ni~kl(Jb £ n. 

-s- occurs as an evident suffix in: 
di i -t!i i $i f£ n I mashed them (cf. dtf-tHyi'Uiyafn I mashed them 
one after another) 

9. ~(a) I-. This suffix includes both intransitives and transitives : 

al-gesegasdJ\£e £ I was washing 

VehiliV e £ I was long absent (124.20) 

S'u £ wili£e € I sit (21.1); 72.9; (178.21) 

yam\.lVe £ I look pretty ([?j=fat, sleek; cf. ycfmx fat, grease 54.5) 

al-we'lclala'n I shine (126.3; 128.14) 

l-t'wtfyili^n I make it whirl up 

i-7c!e e wili /s n I whirl it around 

i-£ge e yM' £ n I roll it around 

al-fgtfysflx (tears) roll down his face 138.25 

hd £ -l-fgwd a ls^lx (children) run about 

Tfewe'Vawtfl he barks 

de-gvlvfk I &lx it was blazing 188.15 

§ 42 



124 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The idea of unbroken continuity is fairly evidently shown by 
these examples to be connected with the suffix -(a)Z-. 

10. "(a) ft". Quite a number of intransitives are found that have 

this element, to which no particular meaning can be assigned. 
Such are : 

s-as-mlfe £ I stand (34.1; 77.9; 144.14,17) 

moyugw&'nfe £ I'm spoiled 

huHi'ntfe* I am tired (102.1) (cf. hittu'Jdlmfe 6 1 used to be tired 

; m [48.il]) 

liglnfe* I am resting (100.14) (cf. ligilagsfiii* he kept resting 102.1) 
In a large number of transitives a suffixed -n- is also found, with- 
out its being clearly possible to identify it either with the causa- 
tive -n- or the indirect objective -n(an)~ for: 

lawadsaia /£ n I hurt him (186.12) 

t8'!ibina fs n I make a speech to him (146.11 ; 178.11) 

wart!ilz¥m e n I gave each one (130.4) 

TtfemTia'n I shall make it (28.2,13,14) (aorist without object 
Jc!erne'iixa £ he makes) 

wa e -u u gw'mi' e n I drink it with it (u u gwa r nxde £ I drink) 

lie e£ -wa £ -wa a g'mi'n she is bought with it 
The last two examples are rather different in character from the 
others. See § 64. 

11. -w-. Two apparently quite distinct -^-suffixes must be taken 

account of. 
(1) A suffixed -w- is found to characterize in all forms a group of 
intransitives belonging to Type 2 ; it is only in certain deriv- 
ative forms that the -w- is lacking, and thereby possibly shown 
to be a non-radical element : 
hiwiliu.fe £ I ran to (24.1), but liiwilllf e £ I used to run to 
sgeleufe £ I shouted (196.1), but sgelelfe £1 I kept shouting (59.3) 
Examples of this group of verbs are : 

Aorist Future (non-aorist) 

sgele /u£ he shouted 59.4; 90.8 sgelwa'H' he will shout 

hiwili /n£ he ran to 47.1; 70.7 liiwilwa'H* he will run to 

(136.21) 

UW a£ he jumped 48.9; 58.3 bilwa'H* he will jump (160.16) 

de~wiliwa f lda £ n I fight him (de- de-ivilwa r ldan I shall fight him 

rivativeofintransitive)(27.3) (33.2,3) 

Mi' ue he climbed (77.8) Mlwa'H* he will climb 

1 Still, in these frequentative (usitative) forms the absence of the -w- may be accounted for by supposing 
that it dropped oU as a syllabic final after a consonant (see § 18). Then sgeUU'e 3 is for an older*sgelchvt'e s . 
This supposition is greatly strengthened by the future sgelwa'lt'eei'Lij keep shouting (cf. sgclwada'* you 

WILL SHOUT). 

§ 42 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 125 

In non-aoristic forms the phonetic conditions may, as usual, 
necessitate an inorganic -a- : 
ge wil&'u run there! (29.10) 
sgelafufe* I shall shout 
biWufe e I shall jump (160.17) 
In these cases the evidence for the suffixal character of the -w- is 
rather slim. In one verb, however, it has a clearly intransi- 
tivizing influence: 
t!emeyaneL ,u£ (second a inor- : t!amayana' e n I take her to her 
ganic) he goes with woman husband (148.5) 

to see her married 148.6 
t!emeya'nwia u£ they (indef .) go 
with her to see her married 
178.1 
(2) -w- {-aw- after a consonant in the aorist) is characteristic of all 
tense-modes but, in some cases, the present imperative and 
inferential (probably for phonetic reasons, see §§11 and 18) of 
a number of transitive verbs, provided the object is of the 
third person. Such verbs are : 

gayawa /£ n I eat it 30.11 (gayau he ate it 54.5); future ga-iwa'n 
128,18; noun of agent ga-iwa' £ s eater (of it) 94.3; but impera- 
tive gal eat it! 32.4; galV he ate it (inferential) 142.19 

al-sgalaYn' £ n I turn my head to look at him; future sgaHwi'n; 
part. sgaZ&'.uk* (-a/- is inorganic) 144.17; but sgaWa £ I looked 
at him turning my head (inferential) 

al-sgald a li'wi /e n (Type 8) I keep turning my head to look at him; 
future sgalwalvfi'n; but sgelelxi he keeps turning his head to 
look at me 

ba-i-de-ye e giwida /£ you will drive (sickness) out of (body) 198.4,5; 
imperative -y&g&'w 

wd a giwi ,,£ n I brought it to him (176.17); future vjagawi'n; but 
wa a ga f sbi £ n I brought it to you (194.11) 

la a l&'vJii he caused them to become (la a l- become) 43.1 

It is very likely that the absence of the -w- is conditioned, at least 
in certain forms, rather by phonetic than by morphologic mo- 
tives {gal from * gatw; sgal¥a £ from *sgalwVa £ ). This is ren- 
dered plausible by a form like ga-iwawa'isbinY they well 
always eat you 26.8 (repetition of -w- in frequentative as in 
al-sgalwaZwi'n) , in which the object is not of the third person. 
The -w- seems to have been retained here because of the follow- 
ing vowel. The form wa a ga f£ n i bsought it (110.17) as com- 

§ 42 



126 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

pared with wa a giwi' £ n i brought it to him (future waga'n: 
wagawi'n) suggests that the signification of the -w- in transi- 
tive verbs is to indicate the indirect object, at least for the 
third person. It is, however, almost certainly accidental that 
wd a giwi /£ n stands by the side of wd a ga'sbi £ n with -s- to indicate 
the indirect object. That -w- is not the morphologic equivalent 
of -s- is evidenced by the fact that it stands also by the side 
of the transitive connective consonant -x- (cf. al-sgalawi ,£ n: 
al-sgala' xbi £ n i turn my head to look at you) . It must be 
confessed that after all no very distinct signification can be 
attached to either the intransitive or transitive -w-. 
12. Constant -a, A number of verbs whose stem (including 
petrified suffix) ends in two consonants add to this stem 
an -a that appears in all their forms, even though the con- 
sonant combination is one that may stand in a final position 
(cf. footnote, § 10). No reason can be assigned for the reten- 
tion of the -a in all forms, except the ruling analogy of the 
aorist; in this tense-mode the -a is in all probability directly 
due to the consonant-cluster, as the aorist verb-forms to be 
presently given differ in this very respect from the aorist forms 
of other stems ending in two consonants (e. g., non-aorist 
s'u^mfa- boil with constant -a-, though ending in a finally 
permissible consonant-cluster, because of aorist ts'!umu n mfa-; 
contrast non-aorist s'omd- boil without -a- because of aorist 
S'omod-). The following are examples of verbs of the char- 
acter described : 

Aorist Non-aorist 

swadatfgsi he followed him 75.3 swa'fga, follow him! 

mats!asg& he always put it 132.9 masg& y put it! 104.5 

ts'Iumumfa, he boils it 30.2 s'umfa, boil it! 

da a -rninik'da, he taught him dd a -minfsL teach him! (con- 

trast wa a Mmf talk to him! 
with aorist -Jiimid-) 

If the verb is instrumental in vocalism (see § 64), the constant a 
is replaced by the instrumental i. Thus : 
%-k!os'ds'gi he keeps pinching him 

That this constant -a is felt to be somewhat different in character 
from ordinary inorganic or connective -a- (as in ts'leldJmfe* or 
wd a gdJsbi £ n) is shown by the fact that it is changed to -i- when- 

§ 42 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 127 

ever the object is not of the third person, in reciprocals, in 
reflexives, and in verbs with non-agentive -x-\ 

swedefgixi he followed me 

da a -miniVdixbi he taught you 

yowd' u£ snixbi e n I cause you to start (but parallel yowo' u ts!anxbi e n 

with connecting a) 
wayanhixbi s n I put you to sleep; wainhixigam I was put to 

sleep 
i-Jc lils' us' gixi he keeps pinching me; l-Mus'gVxinY he will pinch 

me 
i-t!ene'liisdam you hold me 86.13,14. 
i-lasgi'xanfp* touch one another! 
l-lesgi'Vwit* touching himself 
bd a -felc!elMxde £ I keep bobbing up (60.11,13,14) 

§ 43. FUEQUENTATIVES AND TJSITATIVES 

Frequent atives, continuatives, and usitatives are formed from sim- 
pler verb forms in great part by various methods of repetition of all 
or part of the phonetic material of the stem, to a somewhat less 
extent by means of sufnxation. In many repetitive forms a distinct 
tendency to use a long vowel provided with a rising pitch-accent is 
observable. As it has not been found feasible to draw anything like 
sharp lines between the exact significations of the various repetitive 
forms, it seems best to dispose of the material from a purely formal 
point of view rather than to attempt to classify it rigidly into fre- 
quentatives, iteratives, usitatives, and continuatives. The methods 
of forming repetitives will be taken up in order. 

1. Type 13 of Stem- Formation. It was remarked before that 
most verbs of this type normally employed in that form are such 
as to imply a repetition of the action they express. The type 
may, moreover, be freely formed from bases implying non-repetitive 
action whenever it is desired to convey a general frequentative or 
usitative meaning, The frequentative idea may have reference 
to the repetition of the act itself (iterative or usitative) or to the 
plurality of the transitive object or intransitive subject affected 
(distributive) ; any sharp characterization of the manner of the 
frequentative action in each case is, however, doubtless artificial 
apart from the context. The following examples of repetitive with 
corresponding non-repetitive forms will illustrate the general, fre- 
quentative force: 

§ 43 



128 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Non-repetitive verb-stem 

lebe- pick up and eat (seeds) 



Repetitive 

le fe p*lap K (non-aorist) pick 

and eat many (seeds) ! 34.2 

lolio'laliana e n I used to kill 

them 

wogoiva' £ ¥ many arrived 112.2 

\wa £ -i-i!oxo't!ixi £ n I used to 

\ gather them 

lwa £ -l-ddxda?xk K they have been 

gathering them (inferential) 

hene'liand&n I always used to 

wait for him 
odo /£ af she always hunted for 

them 116.6 
ogo' £ a¥i he always gave them 

112.17 
dd Ur mda s mV he used to kill 
them (inferential) 25.1; 
27.15 
wiyiwlfe £ I used to go (there) 

(96.1) 
p!aga'p!a £ V he used to swim 
xa £ -l-ts- liwl'Hs' lau he split it 

to pieces 
sgi^p^sga'p'gam they had been 

all cut up (21.2; 138.7) 
he e£ -%-liu'luhal he kept peeling 

off bark (160.5) 
liogo'liaVde £ I am always run- 
ning 
~helelial £ he used to sing 
al-liuyu'liVx he always hunted 
(-M-^-hay-, §8) 86.1 
It will be observed that the repetitive form is, on the whole, 
built up on the verbal base, not the verb or aorist stem. Thus, 
e. g., the verb-stems lebe- and loho- do not enter into the formation 
of the frequent atives at all, which are formed, according to Type 
13a, directly from the simple bases let- (verb-stem le e p*lab-, aorist 
lebelab-) and loh- (verb-stem loMali-, aorist loliolah-). Similarly, a 
form like p!aga r p!a £ V shows no trace of the aorist stem plagai- 
of the simplex ; verbs of Type 6 generally show the f ortis consonant 
of the base in all forms of the frequentative (see §40, 6) : sgot!o'sgidi £ n 
i cut it to pieces (144.2) (cf. sgo' u da £ n i cut it 72.10, base sgoil- 
§ 43 



loho-n- cause to die 

wog- arrive 
ftloxox- (aorist) gather 

[do u x- (non-aorist) 

Tien-d- wait for 

odo- hunt for 

og- give to 

do u m- kill 

# go, travel 

f!a a g- swim 
ts'liu-d- split 

sgip!- cut 

hul-p!- skin, peel off bark 

hog- run 

he e l- sing 
al-hui-x- hunt 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 129 

45.10). Suffixes with no distinct derivative signification drop off in 
the frequentative (cf. ts\ f iu-d- and Tiul-p!- above, also §42 passim), 
but, if they are functional elements, are put after the reduplicated 
complex (cf . loho-n- and Jien-d- above) ; frequentatives thus become, 
as was indicated in the treatment of petrified suffixes, criteria for 
the determination of the simple base. Some verbs, however, retain 
a petrified suffix in the frequentative without apparent reason: 
ts'lumumfa he boils it; ts'!umu'ts'!am£a he always boils it. 

The only use made of the aorist stem in the formation of fre- 
quentatives is in the case of such forms as have an initial fort is 
in the aorist as against a media in the verb-stem, mainly verbs of 
Type 8. The aorist of the corresponding frequentative also shows 
the initial' fort is, but is not otherwise influenced by the form of the 
aorist stem of its simplex; e. g., aorist of simplex, tloxox-, but of 
frequentative, t!ox-o-t!ax- with retained t!-. Such verbs as aorist 
tloxotlax, non-aorist do u xdax-, are to be considered as of mixed type 
(in this case partly 8, partly 13a). 

Verbs like odo £ ad- and ogo e ag- with a secondarily developed glottal 
catch in the aorist (see §6) seem to retain this catch in non-aorist 
forms, a stop + the catch resulting in a f ortis : 

aorist ogo f£ ag- always give to ; non-aorist o f ~k![w]ag- 

A small sub-class is formed by those frequentatives that omit the 
-a- of the repeated base (Type 13c). Such are: 

Verb-stem Repetitive 

wa-y£Lii.&gwa'n I shall run after wa-yansL-inagwa^n I used to 

him run after him 

waife e I shall sleep (71.15; wayatlhiaV I used to sleep 
142.14) (-li- conditioned by accent) 

he € l-yo u na'n I shall sing a song yonoina/ £ n I always sing it 

(106.7) 
waga'w I shall bring it wagao'kW^ I used to bring 

it ( ? = *wagawg-, but see 4, 
footnote) (45.6) 

A very peculiar type of frequentative formation is illustrated by: 
loha'lhiF (a' is inorganic) they used to die (inferential) (168.9) ; 
aorist stem doubtless loholhi- 
derived from aorist lohoi- die, non-aorist loho- (contrast aorist loho- 
loih-an-, non-aorist I6hldh~an in the causative) . The otherwise purely 
aoristic -i- of Type 4 is here dragged into the non-aorist forms. 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 9 § 43 



130 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



2. Type 4 of Reduplication. This method of forming the fre- 
quentative seems to be but a variant of the first (the repeated initial 
consonant coming last instead of immediately after the connecting 
vowel, or the initial consonant not being repeated at all if there is a 
petrified suffix), and is found in only a few verbs, where it takes 
the place of the first method. A glottal catch generally separates 
the repeated vowel of the stem from the immediately following a. 
Examples are: 

Aorist stem Repetitive 

t . f-7H i lc!eme f£ amqa £ n I always make 

klemeX . [make ., ,. r , „ £ 7 

{-%- J it (instead or *k!eme- 

~k!ama £ n) (77.5) ; F.em £ a s mF 

( = - £ amg-F he used to make 

it (inferential) 122.18 

t!omo'amda £ n I used to kill 
them (instead of *t!omo'- 
t!ama £ n) (13.10.; 54.3) 

lc!uwu /£ auga £ n I used to throw 
them away (instead of *lc!u- 
wu'~k!awa £ n) (134.6) 

p!uwu ,£ a-uga £ n I keep calling 
his name (100. 21) (instead of 
*p!uwu'p!aiik!a £ n; cf. p!u'- 
wuplaus'i he keeps calling 
me by name) 

de-ts' 'Hni' 'anx he always died 
(instead of *ts'!inl'ts'!anx) 
74.7 

leme'amY he used to take 
(everything) (instead of 
*leme f lamY) 

If the initial consonant is a fortis, it becomes a media when 
repeated, as illustrated in the first three examples. This may be 
explained by catch dissimilation (see §22) — e. g., a theoretical 
*~k!uwu f£ au £ F (from ^luwu'Tdau) is dissimilated to k!uwu' £ auF. 
Similarly a theoretical * p!uwu' £ au £ F (from *p!uwu'p!au £ F) is dis- 
similated to f!uwvf £ auF . The non-aorist frequentative forms of 
these verbs sometimes follow the first method of formation (cf. 
do u mda y mF under method 1), sometimes the second (&slc!em £ amg-). 

3. c + v + c ± + v + c. The few verbs that belong here differ from 
the preceding in that they repeat only the initial consonant after 
the repeated stem-vowel (Type 11). An example is: 

§ 43 



tlomom- kill 



Jcluwuw- throw away (pi. obj.) 



p!uwu-Jc!- call, name 



de-ts'!ini £ -x-( = ts'Hni-lcl-x-) die 



leme-lc!-t&k.e along (cf. 108.10) 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



131 



Aorist stem 

dl-t!ugui- wear 



Repetitive 

dl-t!ugv/H % he keeps wearing 
it, used to wear it 



As in the first method, so also in the second and third, non- 
radical functionless elements of the simplex disappear in the fre- 
quentative> Thus the suffixed -i- of Iclemel he made it and -n- of 
Icleme'nxa* he makes, also the aorist characteristic of dl-t!ugu% he 
wore it, are not found in their corresponding frequentative forms. 

4. v + c + W + c. The large number of verbs whose frequent atives 
follow this formula (la of types of reduplication) always have another 
consonant, whether part of the stem or a petrified suffix, after the non- 
fortis repeated consonant characterizing the frequentative, so that 
the appearance at least of infixation is often produced. Externally, 
frequent atives of this type resemble aorists of verbs of Type 8, but 
differ from them in the consistent length of the repeated vowel. In 
signification these verbs are generally continuative or usitative rather 
than properly frequentative or iterative. As examples may be given: 

Aorist stem Repetitive 

i-lclos'ds'g i he is always pinch- 
ing him 

wat-Mmtfmda'tn I used to talk 
to him 

baxaxmia us they keep coming 
(194.13) 

ha-tluluHga^n I keep follow- 
ing in (trail) 

al-sgald a liwi' £ m I keep turning 
my head to look at them 

gaydiwa /s n I used to eat it 

7iene € nda /s n I keep waiting 
for him 

/ p!ala a lgafn the myth is always 
told 

ba-i-7ieme e mga' £ n I always 
took them out 

uyvf $ l i s-de s (dissimilated from 
*uyu'H ie s'- [?]) I keep laugh- 
ing 
tslayag- shoot tslayalY he used to shoot them 

154.14 
yilim- ask for yill i nma' e n I keep asking for 

it (see § 21) 

§ 43 



Jc!os'o-g- pinch 

Jdmi-d- talk to 

baxam- come 

t!ulu-g- follow 

al-sgal-aw- turn head to look at 

gaya-w- eat 
hene-d- wait for 

plalag- tell a myth 

Jiem-g- take out 

uyu £ s-- laugh 



132 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Aorist stem Repetitive 

ts!aya-m- hide ts!aya-ima' £ n I always hide it 

(134.8) 
gini-g go to ginlnF they went there one 

after another 46.11 
mats lag- put matslasga they always put it 

away 132.9 
wits'lim- move wits'! ismade 5 1 keep moving 

sgelew- shout sgelelt K e s (see § 18) I keep 

shouting (59.3) 
Mwiliw- run to Jiiwililfe e (see § 18) I keep 

running 

The verb yewei- return seems to form its frequentative according 
to method 4, but with added -g-: 

yewe'oV he used to come back 47.4; 116.2; yeweogaY you used 
to come back; yeweo'Fde £ , yeweu¥de £1 1 used to come back 

There is not enough material available to determine in every case 
the non-aoristic forms of the frequent atives of this group. As a gen- 
eral rule, however, it seems that the non-aoristic stem of the frequen- 
tative is formed by repeating a consonant or semi-vowel, but in such 
a manner as to indicate the non-aoristic simplex back of it. Thus the 
frequentative of the inferential ts'lalmV he hid it is ts'!a-imik K he 
was always hiding it; of Ml[a]u¥ he jumped 160.17 it is bilwalF 
(? = HilwalwF) they always jumped 160.16. From gaiF (inferential) 
he ate it 142.19 is formed gayalF (if really inferential in form; per- 
haps third person subject aorist gayaig- in contrast to -gaydiw of other 
persons, see above) he used to eat it 54.6, which, though resembling 
the aorist in the repetition of the stem-vowel, differs from it, probably 
for phonetic reasons, in the absence of the -w-. The form wits' !e's- 
made e he will keep moving, given as the future of wits'!ismade £ , 
can not, for want of parallel forms, be accounted for. From sgaHw-. 
non-aorist of sgalaw-, is formed the frequentative sgalw-alw- (perhaps 
according to Type 8, Iw- being a consonatic unit) . 

5. Vowel lengthening. Many verbs, particularly such as be- 
long to Type 2, obtain a usitative signification by merely lengthening 
the short repeated vowel of the stem, this vowel, when stressed, as- 
suming the falling accent. Examples of this simple process are : 

!It is not at all certain that the -o- (-u-) of these forms really represents the -w- of the stem. It is 
quite probable that there is a distinct type of frequentative in repeated vowel+-og-, in which case wagao'- 
~k'na*n i used to bring it (see above under 1) would be another example. 

§ 43 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



133 



Simplex 

yimi's'a e lie dreams 
luk!u'xa £ he sets traps 
geyewa f lxde e da £ ba-iJc!iyi f£ ¥ when 
I ate he came 

V ewe'V awa £ l he barks 



Repetitive 

yiml fi s'a £ he is always dreaming 
luk!u' u xa £ he used to set traps 
geye e wa r lxde e da £ ba-i-k!iyl' i£ V 
whenever I used to eat he 
came 
Vewe' e Vawa £ l he is always bark- 
ing 

As the last example shows, by this method verbs which are already 
frequentative in form can be made to take on a usitative meaning. 

6. v + (c + ) ha. The accented vowel (v) of frequentatives con- 
forming to this formula is either the second vowel of the stem of the 
simplex or the repeated vowel of the stem not found in the simplex, 
and is followed by the last consonant (semi-vowel) of such verb-stems 
as end in two consonants. The forms that belong to this group seem 
in some cases to have rather a continuative than iterative force. Ex- 
amples are: 



Repetitive 

lolionha he keeps killing them 

liwllhaufe £ I kept looking (144. 19) 

wo £ o u ha she used to go for wood 
43.15; 158.18 

dd a -sgeJc!elha he listened around 
102.3 

da a -aganJii £ n I used to hear about 
it " 

ls'u ,£ alJia £ they always stayed (to- 
gether) 112.2 

\s'u ,£ aTh%biY we always stay to- 
gether 

S'as'a'n7iap'de £ I stand around 

The last two examples do not show a rising pitch-accent, because 
the vowel (-a-) preceding the -I- and -n- respectively is inorganic 
and therefore incapable of carrying a rising or raised accent (cf. as 
parallel oila'ut'e e i shall jump, not *bilaut'e e , because of inorganic 
-a-). They also illustrate the loss in the frequentative of a non- 
radical element (-¥-) of the simplex; in s'u /£ alha £ the loss of the -% l - 
involves also the transfer of the verb to the first class of intransitives 
(second person singular, Class I, s'u f£ alJiaf you stay around; Class 

II, s-u £ wilifam you sit). 

§ 43 



Simplex 

lohon he caused them to die 

(100.8) 
UwiWufe* I looked (59.14) 
wo u lf she went for (wood) (non- 

aorist woo-) (162.8); 186.6 
da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 

da a -agani /£ n I heard it (55.3) 



s-u £ will he sits, stays 21.1 



s-as-inife £ I stand (34.1) 



134 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

7. v + lha. It is very probable that the verbs that belong here 
contain the continuative -l- treated, under the head of petrified suffixes 
(see § 42, 9). The formula may then be considered morphologically 
identical with that listed as method 5, except that the continuative 
-Z- is introduced before the -Jia. Examples of this group are : 

Aorist (or verb) stem Repetitive 

tloxox- gather wa- £ i-t!oxdIhi £ n I always gather 

them 

ba a -felc!elMxia u£ they all 

/x-„ ^ 7 , n emerged 60.11 

(oa a -t ekl-x emerge) -, _„ ,< 7 ° lr . , . T , 

fe J ba a -t ek!elhixde £ I keep emerging 

(60.14) 
(sgip!- cut) xa-H-sgipIilJii he cut them all 

through 26.11 
k! otic lad- break xa- £ i-ya a -k!odoThi he always just 

broke them in two 29.1 
(al-xikl- see) al-xik!iThi £ n I used to see him 

gwidi(¥ w d)- throw gwidilha he kept throwing it 

(164.11) 
(Jtok!- trap) lokfolha he was always trapping 

them 78.4; 100.4 
The non-aoristic forms of these frequent at ives dispense with the re- 
peated vowel (v) characteristic of the aorist, so that the introduction 
of an inorganic -a'- is necessitated : 

gwida'Ihan I shall keep throwing it 
al-xikla'Thilc I used to see him (inferential) 
The remarks made under method 1 in regard to the formation of 
frequent atives directly from the verb-stem rather than the aorist 
stem apply also here (sgotlolha 108.8 from verb-stem sgotl- cut, 
aorist sgo u d-, like sgotl o'sgat). 

8. v + w + v+Uia. Only two verbs have been found that follow 
this very irregular formula for the frequentative: 

Simplex . Repetitive 

7 „ < , i«^«'i [lawa'Thiv always become! (78.5) 

Lav become! 25.2 \ \ J ' 

7 _5 7 _x .. -, ^„r idahoxa lawa lriida £ whenever it 

la a le y it became 22.7 1 , . ,,. .„. 

; I became evenmg 44.1; 78.6 

ligigwa /£ n I fetch (game) liwi'Viagwa £ n I always come 
home (70.3,5; 164.4) home with (game) (136.2) 

The latter of these shows at the same time an unaccountable loss of 
the -g- of the stem; the future of the simplex, fflgwa'n, probably does 
not exhibit an absolute loss of the -g-, but rather a contraction of 
Itfg-gw- to Itfgw-. 
§ 43 



boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 135 

TRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 44-51) 

§ 44. General Remarks 

Under this head may be conveniently listed a number of suffixes 
that either transitivize intransitives (causative, comitative, indirective 
-amd-, -old-) or are characteristic of transitive verbs (indirective 
-s- = -tx-TO, indirective -an (an) -for, indirect reflexive). It must be 
confessed, however, that the various suffixes may be so thoroughly 
interwoven among themselves and with the purely formal elements 
that follow, that a certain amount of arbitrariness can hardly be 
avoided in treating of them. The suffixes will now be taken up in 
order. 

§ 45. Causative -(a)n~ 

Causatives are formed from intransitives by the addition of -n- 
to the intransitive form, minus, of course, its formal pronominal ele- 
ments. If the final sound preceding the -n- is a vowel, the suffix can 
be directly appended, the vowel being generally lengthened ; a final 
consonant (or semivowel), however, generally, though not always, 
requires a connective -a- (-% when umlauted) between it and the suffix ; 
doublets (with and without connective -a-) sometimes occur, the com- 
bination of consonant + -n- then taking a constant -a (-i) after it. 
If the accented vowel (v) of the aorist immediately precedes the -n- 
in all forms, an inorganic -Ji- must be introduced, the combination 
-nil- then necessitating a following constant -a; doublets, conditioned 
by the position of the accent, here also occur. Certain suffixed ele- 
ments (-i-, -¥-) characteristic of intransitives drop off before the caus- 
ative -n-, yet in some forms they are retained ; intransitivizing ele- 
ments naturally remain, for without them the verb would itself be 
transitive and incapable of becoming a causative. The aorist and non- 
aorist forms of the causative, with the qualification just made, are 
built up on the corresponding tense-mode forms of the primitive verb. 
Examples of causative -(a)n- are: 

Intransitive Causative 

yelnada ,£ you will be lost (a yalnsaiada /£ you will lose it 
palatalized by preceding y 
to -e-) 14.3 
yowo ,£ he is 21.1 ha £ -l-yowom f£ n I woke him up 

(literally, I caused him to 
be up with my hand) 16.4 
H 44-45 



.136 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



Vuwu' £ Y he is hot 94.15 
ba-i-biliwa y t you ran out 24.15 

Jiax it burns 94.18 

faga' i£ he cries 62.2 

ilioyo f£ f he dances 46.12 
I hoida'H' he will dance 

yd a n- go (aorist) 
yana- go (non- aorist) 



Intransitive Causative 

ba-i-yowona ,£ n I miss him in 
shooting (? = I cause him to 
be out) (138.5) 
. ba-i-yowdnhsi s n 
t'uwugeLTia' £ n I make him hot 
ba-i-biliweniaY he ran him out 

{JiaxnsL he burned it 98.8 
hax&nk^wa he burned him. up 
27.16 
U'aga a na ,£ n I make him cry 
I fegenxi he makes me cry 
7ioyodsaia f£ n I make him dance 
hoideLiia'n I shall make him 

dance 
yd a na, y n he made him go ; yd a - 

nsaia /£ n I made him go 
ydnhsi (= *yan-nha) he made 
him go; yanhtfrb I made 
him go. 
yanavna'n 1 I shall cause him 
to go 
Jiene' £ n they were used up 184.6 i-7ienenim' £ n I used them up 

,. i i , j , xi j {ydwo /u ts!sLiixbi e n I startled you 

yowo' £ s he started, was startled * _, c . , , e ,. , J : 

1 Q R 1 n i yowo' u£ smxbi £ n (for change of a 

1800 I to 4 see § 42, 12) 

J yo'HsI&nan I shall startle him 

1 i/6 Me snan 

t!obiginh.2L £ n I make him lie 

like dead 

tlobaga'snsin I shall make him 

lie like dead 

(s'as'ininh.3L £ n I make him 
stand 
s'as'dnh.Si e n 
s'a's'anhsai I shall make him 

stand 
de-gulv!lc!alxn& £ n I make fire 

blaze 
p'ele r xana £ n I make him go to 

war 
daV-limlmxgwadmi £ n I chop 
(tree) on to him 



yo' u£ sdd a he will start 186.10 
tlobigl he lies like dead 

tlobaga' 'sdd a he will lie like 
dead (148.8) 

S'as'inl he stands 144.14 

s'a's'an£d a he will stand 

de-giilu f ~k!alx it blazes 188.15 

p'ele'xa £ he goes to war 126.13 

daV-limimxgwa £ (tree) falls on 
him (108.12) 



1 Also yana'k'nan I shall make him go, with inserted and unexplained suffix -k'-. 



45 



BOAS I 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 137 



Intransitive Causative 

yewe' i£ he returned 4 9.10; ba £ -i-yewen he cured him (lit- 
88.5 erally, he caused him with 

his hand to return up) 15.2 
The causative in -vnha- is sometimes usitative in meaning: 
lohonhsL he used to kill them; lohon he killed them 142.9 
Examples occur of transitives in -n- formed from intransitives in 
which no causative notion can be detected : 

da-ldnha £ n I lied to him; de-lunhixi he lied to me (intransitive 

da-lofe e I shall lie [110.23]) 
gel-way a a na' £ n I slept with her (26.4) ; gel-wa-ina'n I shall sleep 
with her (108.3) (intransitive wayanfe £ I sleep [188.22]; walfe e 
I shall sleep [188.20]); but wayanhtfn I cause him to sleep 
(162.1); wainhsin I shall cause him to sleep, wamha put him 
to sleep! 106.4,8 
The connective a of the causative suffix -an- in the aorist is treated 
differently from the a of the non-aorist forms in so far as in the 
former case the -an- diphthong, when stressed, receives a raised 
accent, while in the latter the a, as a strictly inorganic element, takes 
the falling accent. Thus: 

Aorist Non-aorist 

Jid u gweL K ii he made him run hogw&'n make him run! 

(yewen he caused him to return) ye e wa,'Ti make him return! 

(plagan he bathed him [186.25]) p!a a gsi ; ii bathe him! 186.24 
In other words, the phonetic relation between aorist and non-aorist 
illustrated by several verb types (e. g., agan- : ag[a]n-) is reflected also 
in the causative suffix (-an- : ~[a]n-) . The same is true of other -[a]n- 
suffixes not causative in signification (see § 42, 10): 

Aorist Non-aorist 

%-'k\u u ma s n he fixed it 150.13 %-~k!uma f n fix it! 

(k!emenxbi £ n I make you 27.9) Wema'n make it! 186.24 

§ 46. Comitative -(a) gw- 

Comitatives, i. e., transitive forms with the general meaning of to 
do some action (expressed by verb-stem) together with, at- 
tended by, having something (expressed by object of verb), may 
be formed only from intransitives by the suffix -gw- (final -Y w , rarely 
-Ywa in monosyllables) ; after a consonant (including semivowel) a 
connective -a- appears before the -gw-, though in a few cases (as in 
aorist ya a n- go) the -gw- is directly appended. Dissyllabic stems 
ending in vowel + -g- or -w- often add the comitative -gw- directly, in 

§ 46 



138 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



which case the preceding vowel is generally lengthened; doublets, 
however, are sometimes found with connecting a. The second vowel 
of aorist stems is apt to be lengthened in comitative forms, yet not 
as consistently as in the case of causatives. Differing in this respect 
from the causative -n-, the comitative suffix does not require the loss 
of a final aoristic intransitive element (e. g., -%-). From aorist lohoi- 
die are formed loho u -n- cause to die, but lohoy-agw- die togethee 
with. The reason seems clear. While the action of a causative verb 
is logically transitive, that of a comitative is really intransitive, and 
the verb is only formally transitive. In the former case the subject 
of the verb does not undergo the action that would be expressed by 
the intransitive stem QoJioi-) ; in the latter it does. Examples of the 
comitative are: 



ya a n- 



Intransitive 

go (aorist) 



from hunt 



yana- (non-aorist) 

ligi- come home 

(aorist) 
Itfg- (non-aorist) 

gini(g)~ go to 



dal-yewey- run away 

wl*- travel 

lo u l- play 

daway- fly 

henen- use up, be satiated 
yewey- return 

yaway- talk 

QieH- sing (non-aorist) 
[helel- (aorist) 
§ 46 



Comitative 

yank 1 ™ he takes it along Git., 
he goes having it) 17.13 

yanagwa y n¥ he will take it along 

ligi s k* w he fetched game home 
70.3 

ItfgwcfnF (=ll i g-gwa s nY) he 
will fetch game home (130.6) 

gintfgwa'tn I take it to (31.11); 
also giniy8igwa' £ n (13.12); fu- 
ture ginagwa'n (=ginag- 
gwa'n with inorganic a be- 
cause of preceding n) (146.6) 

dal-yewey& y k* w he ran away 
with it 

wik'wa, he travels around with 
it 14.2 

lo u la,gwa' s n I play with him 
(124.14) 

bd a -wa- daway a?k' w he flies 
with it 

~henen2bgwa /£ n I eat it all (43.12) 

yewey&gwa /£ n I fetch them back 
(30.1; 47.13) 

yawaysLgwa /£ n I talk about it 
(lit., I talk having it) 108.12 

nax-i-he e la,gwa'n I shall sing 
with pipe in hand 

l-liele e leigwa ,£ n I sing with it in 
hand 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 139 

Intransitive Comitative 

ttobagas- lie like dead (non- nax-da-t!obaga' 'sgwanV he lies 
aorist) like dead with pipe in mouth 

uyu s s'- laugh uyu /s s'gwa s n I laugh at him 

baxam- come da-yawix lax&m^V™ they 

came talking (literally, 
mouth-talking they - came- 
with) 126.2 
lo u x MliwsigwanaW we play at 
fighting (literally, play we- 
fight-having) 
warbilPgwa^n I jump having 
it ( = *biliugwa' e n, see §7) 



biliw- fight, jump 



If the object of the comitative verb is other than a third person, the 
suffix -gw- is followed by the indirective -d-, which does not ordinarily 
appear as such, but unites with the immediately following transitive 
connective -x- to form -s-; a connective -a- is inserted between the 
-gw- and the -s-, so that the whole comitative sufhx for a first or 
second personal object is -{a)gwas~. Examples are: 

uyu' £ s'gw&si he laughs at me 
Jienen&gw&'sam he ate us up (192.15) 
bd a -wa-dawiy8Lgw2b' 'sbinJc* he will fly up with you 

The form -gwad- of the comitative suffix appears as such preceding 
-in- (umlauted from -an-) in the third personal object of indirect for- 
f orms built up on intransitive verbs derived from transitives : 

lillc!vfxagw2idini £ n I trap for him (probably = I cause [-in] him 
to be having [-gwad-] [some one] to trap [luk!il-xa-] [for him]) ; 
but luklu'xagwsisi he traps for me 

p'ele'xagw£Ldini £ n I go to war for him; but p*ele r xagw&si he goes 
to war for me 

It is highly probable, however, that in such cases the -gwad- is to be 
definitely analyzed into a comitative element -gwa- + an indirective 
element -d- (-f-) to, for; this seems to be pointed out by the fact 
that when the for - object becomes identical with the subject, i. e., 
when the verb becomes an indirect reflexive (for one's self), the -d- 
immediately precedes the regular reflexive suffix -gwi-, leaving the 
causative suffix ~(a)n- between it and the comitative suffix -gw-: 

luk!ii'xagwanVgwide e I trap for myself (probably = I cause [-an-] 
myself [-gwi-] to be having [-gw-] [some one] to tr SL])[lu7c!ii-xa-] 
for [-*'-] [me]) 

§ 46 



140 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Comitatives in -gw- are formed not only from intransitivized tran- 
sitivesin -xa- (e. g., %-lubu'xa¥ w she pounds with it in hand [55.10]; 
56.1), but also from non-agentive intransitives in -x- (see below, § 56). 
Examples are: 

Non-agentive Comitative 

sgo' u sde £ ( = sgo' u d-x-de £ ) I cut sgo' u sgwa £ n I got tired 1 of it 
(without implied object), (21.6) 

am across (148.8) 
~he £ -me £ -t K bo' u Y£bwx. he lay 7ie e£ -wa-t K bd u Vt % ba'xg'w& he lay 
down with his arms folded, down with it clasped in his 

lay rolled up and put away arms 154.6 

(cf. lie £ -me £ -£bd ,u Yt % baga £ n I 
roll it up and put it away) 
fge e ya y lx it runs around, rolls wa-t K ge e ya'lxgwa £ n I roll with it 

wa-i-s'ugu's-uxgwa £ n I am 

sleepy (literally, something 

like: I am confused having 

sleep) 

ba-i-s'ilVx he landed ba-i-s-ili'xgwa> he landed with 

(his canoe) 13.5 
The obverse, as it were, of these transitive forms in -x-gwa-, is given 
by certain rather curious Class I intransitive forms in -x-gwa- built 
up on intransitive, not, like normal -x- derivatives, on transitive 
stems; they may be literally translated as to be with (or having) 
(something) doing or being. Thus from the intransitive aorist 
daY-limim- (tree) falls on top of is formed the intransitive daV- 
limimxgwade £ it falls on top of me (108.12), in which the logical 
subject (tree) becomes an implied object, while the real object or 
goal of motion (me) is treated as the grammatical subject. The 
form quoted would have to be literally translated as i am with (or 
having) (it) falling on top of (me), i (as tree) fall having 
it, together with it would probably be something like *da¥- 
limtfmgwa^n. Morphologically similar to da¥-limlmxgwade £ are 
doubtless : 

7iewe'7idxgwside £ I yawn (literally, I am having — [ ? ]) 
yele' £ sgw£ide £ (= yelet! -x-gwa-) I am sweating (literally, I am 
— having it, i. e., perspiration [?]) 
With such an interpretation, the form da¥-limimxgwadini £ n i 
chop it on to him becomes readily intelligible as a causative built 

i sgo'usde? and sgo'usgwa £ n are morphologically quite clearly related, though in signification the latter form 
has widely departed from what must have been its primary meaning. 

§ 46 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 141 

up on an intransitive in -xgwa-; literally translated it would read 
I cause (-in) him to be with (-gwad-) (it) falling (limVm-x-) ON 
top of (daV-) (him) . This chimes in well with the interpretation given 
above of the really very perplexing "for" forms in -gwadin- and 
-gwanfgwi. 

As will have been noticed from some of the examples already 
given (yawayagw- talk about, uyu i£ s-gwa- laugh at, sgo u sgwa- be 
tired of, Tienenagw- consume), the primarily comitative meaning of 
the -gw- suffix is sometimes greatly obscured, at times practically 
lost. Other examples illustrating this weakening of the fundamental 
signification are: 

Intransitive Comitative 

hoyod- dance Jioyod-agw- dance (a particular 

kind of) dance 100.15; 102.9 

bd a -yd a n- go up bd a -yd a n-gw- pick up 24.3; 59.15 

ba-i-ginig- go out to, come ba-i-ginl i -gw- take out (no leg 

motion necessarily implied) 

xeben- do (so) xebe^j-agw- 1 hurt, destroy 136.23 

§ 47. Indirective -d-(-$-) 

The -d- of the indirect object never appears in its naked form 
(except, as we have seen, in certain forms in -gwad-; see also under 
-d- in petrified suffixes) , but always combined into -s- with the follow- 
ing element -x- that serves to bind pronominal objects of the first and 
second persons to the verb-stem with its derivative suffixes (see §64). 
The indirect object of the third person is not normally expressed by 
this -d-, but, like an ordinary direct third personal object, is left 
unexpressed, the general character of the verb being impliedly indi- 
rective. As a matter of fact, an incorporated pronominal indirect 
object is used only when the direct object is of the third person, never 
of the first or second; and, since the pronominal object of the third 
person is never expressed in the verb, this means that what is trans- 
lated as the indirect object is in reality morphologically the direct 
object of the verb. The indirective idea is merely a derivative 
development; or, more correctly, certain transitive verbs with indi- 
rective " face" require an -s- (=-d-+-x-) instead of -x- with an incor- 
porated object of the first or second person, i give it to him is, then, 
really rendered in Takelma by i-him-give; i give it to you, by i- 

1 For the change of non-causative -n- to -y- (-i-) cf. k.'emti- and k.'emeen- make. 

§ 47 



142 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

you-give; i give him FOOD, by i-him-food-give, in which the 
logically indirect object him must be looked upon as the direct object 
of the verbal complex food-give (food, not being a pronominal 
object, is loosely incorporated as a prefix in the verb) ; i give you 
food, by i-you-food-give, the pronominal combination i you 
being expressed at the end of the verb-complex in the same form as in 
a simple transitive like i-you-see, except that it is preceded by -s- 
instead of -x-; such combinations as i give you to him, me and he 
gives me to you, him can not be expressed by one verb-form. In 
these latter cases the grammatical object of the verb is no longer in- 
directly affected by the action ; hence another, though probably ety- 
mologically related, verb-stem is employed, while the indirect object 
is expressed by a local phrase outside the verb : i give you to him 
( = i- you-give [not indirective "face"] him-to), -x-, not -s-, preced- 
ing the combination i you. The idea of to in intransitives like go, 
run, and so on, is regularly expressed by such an extra-verbal local 
phrase. Many verbs that, from our point of view, seem ordinary 
transitives, are in Takelma provided with the indirective -s-. Ex- 
amples illustrating the use of this -s- are : 

Aorist Future 

iogoyi^n 1 I give it to him 180.11 o'Vin (170.13; 180.9,16) 

| ogu f sbi s n I give it to you 23.3 o'sbin (178.15) 

I (oyonxbi £ n I give you) {oinxbin I shall give you) 

!wet K gi £ n (for -g- see §42, 5) I wede'Vin (17.10,11) 
took it from him 76.1 

wesbi £ n I took it from you (17.3) wede'shin (16.10,11) 
jal-da-p'd u p*iwi £ nlblew&tit(15.1) 
\al-da-p*up*ausbi £ n I blew at you 

wa a giwi /£ n I brought it to him wagawi'n I shall bring it to 

(for -w- see §42, 11) (176.17) him 

wa a ga'$am 2 he brought it to us wege'sinV he will bring it to me 

(194.11) 
(eiyi /£ n I hurt him 
| e%sbi £ n I hurt you 

jgayau he ate him 54.5 ga-iwa y n¥ 130.5 

\gayausbi £ n I ate you gaisbinV he will eat you 26.8 

f al-yehebi' £ n I showed it to him (77.8) al-ye e bi'n I shall show it to him 

1 al-yebe' psbi £ n I showed it to you al-yepsi show it to me! 

i The -y- is peculiar to aorist forms of this verb with a third personal object (ogoyiY you to him; ogoihi 
he to him 122.11) and to the third personal passive aorist (ogoyi'n he was given it 15.2) 

2 With connecting a before s. In o'sbin above -g- + -s-gives -s-, but *wesdam (=weeg-sdam) would be- 
come confused with wesdam (=weed-sdam) you took it from me. 

§ 47 



boas] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



143 



Some verbs that belong here show the -s- only in the aorist, other 
forms having only -x-. Examples are : 

Aorist Future 

he^-Vwi^n I went away from he e£ -iwi'n 

him 23.12 
he e£ -iusbi £ n I went away from Tie e£ -lwi'xbinV 

you (184.14,15) 



yimi'xi lend it to me! 98.14, 21 
%-t!a a wi'n (33.8) 
i-UaUxbinV (140.15) 
na a gi'n (15.15; 196.20) 
naxbin (60.3) 
dak *-da-hala'~hin 



yl i m%d)i e n I lent it to you 98.15 
[%-t!aUt!iwi £ n I catch him 33.4 
\%-t!aut!a f usbi he caught you 
\naga ,£ n I said to him 72.9 
\naga f sbi £ n I said to you 108.4 

da¥-da-Jia a li /£ n I answered him 
(61.6) 

dak'-da-7ialsbi £ n I answered you dak*-da-7iala'x.bin 

(134.20) 

\sa a nsa' £ n I fight him (110.20) sana'n (28.15; 33.9) 

\sa a nsaf nsbi £ n I fight you sana'xbin 

§ 48. Indirective -(a')ld- 
This suffix is probably composed of the continuative -I- (see § 42, 9) 
and the indirective -d-, though, unlike the latter suffix, it is always 
employed to transitivize intransitives, a characteristic intransitive 
element of the aorist (e. g., -i-) regularly remaining. After vowels, the 
suffix appears simply as -Id-; after consonants and semivowels, a con- 
nective -a- is generally introduced, which, when accented, receives a 
falling pitch. The general idea conveyed by the suffix is that of 
purposive action toward some person or object, so that it may be con- 
veniently translated by moving at or toward, in order to reach, 
going to get. Examples of its use are : 

Jiiliufe £ I climb 



]iiliwsi'lda £ n I climb for it (77.8) 

{yadaddf\Aa £ n I swim for him (to 
save him from drowning) 
yeded&'lsi he swims for me 
l)iliw&'\sa £ n they fought (liter- 
ally, they jumped at, for each 
other) 27.4 
'da-t!aya ris they went to get da-t!aya\di f£ n I went to get it to 



yada'fe £ I swim {yadad-) 
Mli' u£ he jumped 32.13; 78.11 



(something) to eat 75.9 



da-da a ya f£ £ (future) (33.9) 
sgele' u£ he shouted 59.4; 90.8 



eat ; da-t!ayalV he went to get 
it to eat (a shows by its accent 
that it is part of stem) 76.9 
da-da a \di'n (future) (33.9) 
sgelewsL f lV he shouted to, for him 
59.4; (94.1) 

§ 48 



144 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



wiliw- go, run 
xudu' £ m he whistled 

UgW w he fetched home (game) 
70.3; 128.12; ligi' £ he came 
home (with game) 124,22 



jwiliw&'\da e nl go and show it to him 
[de-wiliwaf\da e n I fight him (27.3) 
xudum2J\da £ n I whistled to him 

(33.16) 
de-ligi&'W he fetched it for him to 

eat 126.9; 130.9 



yonob a'lt' they held nets waiting 

for fish 32.1 

InwoHt' he went after it 29.12 the -Id- is confined to the aorist; 

non-aorist forms have the stem woo- without suffix: woo'n i shall go 

after it (162.8,10). 

§ 49. Indirective -(a^mcf- 

There hardly seems to be any significant difference between this 
and the preceding suffix, except that the indirective force of -(a')md- 
seems in many cases to be much less clear and that it may be appended 
to transitive as well as to intransitive stems. It is quite probable 
that in some of the examples the -m- of the suffix is really the dissimi- 
lated product of an original -I- because of an -I- of the stem (see § 21) ; 
yet this explanation could not be made to apply to all the cases. 
Those forms that contain a radical -l-r are given first: 

Simple form. -(a-')md- 

tliH&'mdafn I fish for (salmon) 
ts'!eleWmda s n I paint him ( = 1 

put paint — s'e /e l — on to him) 
s'in-deleg&'msdam you put holes in 

my nose 22.2 
malagafmsbi e n I am jealous of you 



malagia' ue they are jealous (cf. 

malag-, malagan- tell) 
yala'Vde £ I dive (61.8) 
(Jagag- feed) 

legwel he sucked it (186.18) 
(geleg- twirl) 

uyuts!- laugh 
ya^mtf ask him! 70.6 



~k!emen- make 

da¥-fgu ,u ba s n I put (hat-like 
object) over as covering 

§ 49 



yalageL f mda £ n I dive for it (60.10) 
lagag^mda^n I paid him (184.17) 
legweWm.da £ n I sucked it out of him 
dl u -al-gelegal2Jmda £ n I tie his hair 

up into top-knot (172.3) 
di s -uyu'ts!8Lmda £ n I fool him 
yamd&'mV (go and) ask of him 174.10 
p*oy&mda £ n I smoke them out 

(76.11) 
Qd a -Jc!emendL f mda £ n I make him 

ready to go (76.13) 
daV-Vgu fu b&mV she covered it 

(basket) over 61.9 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 145 

§50. Indirective -(a)n(an)- "for" 

From transitives, never from intransitives, are formed verbs in 
-(a)n or -(a) nan- (the first -a- is the connective vowel already spoken 
of) signifying to do (the act expressed by the verb-stem) for, in 
behalf of (the object of the verb). No rule can be given as to when 
-(a)n- or -(a) nan- is to be used, the two suffixes being frequently 
found to interchange in the same form. It is not likely that -{a)nan- 
is a mere duplication of the simpler -(a)n~, as no other case of suffix- 
reduplication could be shown to exist in Takelma, but rather a 
compound suffix consisting of two distinct elements that happen to be 
homonymous. Neither of the -{a)n- elements in- (a) ram-, however, 
can be identified with either the causative -{a)n- or the petrified -(a)n- 
of certain transitive verbs (see § 42,10), for the full -{a)nan- suffix is 
found suffixed to them (e. g., loho u ninini ,£ n I killed him for 
him [ = i caused him to die for him]) . As in the case of the ordi- 
nary indirect object-suffix -s-, only the third person (and that, as far as 
the pronoun is concerned, by implication) is tolerated as the logical 
object, the grammatical object being always the person in whose 
behalf the action is done. If the formal (i. e., indirect) object of 
the verb is of the third person, the -(a)n- or -{a)nan- is nearly always 
followed by the " instrumental " i (see § 64), an umlaut of the suffix 
to -(i)n- or -{i)nin- necessarily resulting (see § 8, 3c). The longer 
form of the suffix -(a)nan is apt to be limited to the aorist forms 
with third personal object; non-aorist forms and aorist forms with 
first or second personal object generally have the shorter form of the 
suffix, -{a)n-. What was said above of a phonetic character in regard 
to the causative -(a)n- applies also here. Examples are: 



Transitive Indirective 

wa £ -i-t!oxoxmi £ n I gather 

them for him 
wa £ -i-t!uxux&nxi he gathers 

them for me 
i-Jc!u u minmmi' £ n I fixed it for 

him 
i-Jc!uminimni x n~k' he will fix 

it for him 

!l-lc!u u mansiJi r xi he fixed it for 
me 
l-TclumandJnhi fix it for him! 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 10 § 50 



wa £ -l-t!oxoxi £ n I gather them 
(192.4) 



i-Jc!u u ma y n he fixed it 
(150.13; 186.16,18) 



146 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

Transitive 

ld a ba' e n I carry it (178.4,5,6) 



[BULL. 40 



o' u ga £ n I trap them (78.5) 



Tcfaddi- pick (aorist) 



~k!a a d- pick (non-aorist) 

de £ -l-wl ri gi £ n I spread it out 
(120.1) 

Jc!emen- make 



limimana /£ n I fell tree (cause 
it to fall) (108.11) 



lolio u na /£ n I cause him to die 
(142.9) 



do u mVwanV he will kill him 

(116.18) 
sa a gwa /£ n I paddle it (60.1; 

112.9) 



])!ahanana' £ n I cause it to be 
cooked, done 



Indirective 

jla a bmmi' £ n I carry it for him 

[la a WTJia £ n 

le e b2Jw.xi he carries it for me 

{ld u gmmi' £ n I trap them for 
him 
lb fu gmi £ n 
(pHyiri) lu' u g&nxi he traps 

(deer) for me 
lo'lclmin I shall trap them for 

him 
lc!adaymi /£ n I pick them for 

him 
Jc!adalhmi £ n 
Jcledeyei'nxi he picks them for 

him 
Jc!d a dinm.i'n I shall pick them 

for him 
de £ -i-wi fi g&iixi he spreads it 

out for me 
]c!emenmi' £ n I make it for 

him 
Tclemnmi'n I shall make it for 

him 
limimwmi' e n I fell it for him 

lohd u nmmi' £ n I killed him for 

him 
lo7id u na,nsi / jihi he killed him for 

him 
luhu u na,'iixi he killed him for 

me 
dd u meni2i / ii¥wan¥ he will kill 

him for him 
han-se e gw^nsin I am paddled 

across (literally, it, i. e., 

canoe, is paddled across 

for me) 
plahayinim^n 1 I make it 

done for him 



A number of transitive verbs in -(a)n(an)- in which the for (in 
behalf of) idea is not clearly apparent nevertheless doubtless belong 
here. Such are: 



§ 50 



1 For the change of suffixed n to y see § 46, second footnote. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 147 



(o u da /£ n I hunt for him 

[116.8]) 



al £ -d u dmi /£ n I look around for him 

(92.27) 
l £ -odom f n I shall feel around 

for it 
malagsiTiSb'iihi he told him 30.15 (mala'xbi he told you [162.6]) 

It not infrequently happens in verbs where the logical relation exist- 
ing between the subject and a first or second personal object can 
hardly be other than an indirect one, that the for idea is expressed 
by means of the simple transitive form with -x- or -s- instead of 
the more explicit indirective -(a)n(an)-, as shown in the following 
examples : 

Icledeisi he picks them for me (literally, he picks to me, along- 
side of Jdedeysb'nxi he picks them for me) 1 

me £ bep'xip* come and chop out (a hole) for me (to enable me to 
get out) (literally, come and chop me!) 90.16 

gel-ts!eye'mxi he hid it from me (158.7) ; but gel-ts!ayammi' £ n I 
hid it from him 

The idea of doing something for some one when the action is an 
intransitive one can not be expressed in the verb itself, so that peri- 
phrases of one kind or another are resorted to; e. g., i go for him is 
expressed by i go, he having sent me. In verbs that are intransi- 
tive only in form, but logically still transitive, that is, in transitive 
verbs with unexpressed object, the for idea is expressed by the com- 
plex suffix -gwa'dan- (with first or second personal object -gwas-), the 
analysis of which has been attempted above (see § 46). Thus we 
have (pHyin) lo /u gin(in)i £ n i trap (deer) for him built up on a tran- 
sitive in both form and meaning (i. e., ld fu ga £ n), but luklvfxagwa- 
dini £ n i trap for him built up on a formal intransitive (luk!u f xa £ ). 
The idea of for, in behalf of one's self is rendered in transitive 
verbs by adding to the indirective suffix -(a)n(an)- the regular reflexive 
suffix -Vwi- (-gwi-) : 

dd u mana'n¥widd a he will kill them for himself 
t!umu¥wan¥wide e I kill them for myself 
de £ -l-wl fi gank'wide £ I spread it out for myself 
Ti.an-se e gwa f 7ik'wide £ I paddle myself across, really, I paddle (canoe) 
across for myself 

1 There must be a difference in signification, however, between Tcledhlsi and 7:!edeya'nxi. The former 
probably means "he picks them for me, i. e., in order to give them to me; " the latter "he picks them 
in my behalf (perhaps because I am sick and can not do so myself.)" Compare also d^lse'&xi he opened 
the door foe, me (i. e., in order to let me in) (63.12) with d&lse'eganxi he opened the door on my 
behalf (perhaps because I was unable to do so myself). 

§ 50 



148 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

In intransitive verbs with implied transitive force a -f- is inserted 
between the indirective -(a)n(an)- and the reflexive -gwi-: 

luk!u'xagwanfgwit K he traps for himself 
Also this form in -gwanfgwi- was explained above. 
§ 51. Indirect Reflexive -gwa- 

By indirect reflexive is here meant action in reference to something 
belonging to one's self, not action in behalf of one's self. From the 
latter idea (expressed, as we have seen, by -[a]n[an]Ywi- and -[a]n[an]- 
fgwi-) the indirect reflexive in -gwa- differs in being always found in 
a transitive setting; from the comitative -(a)gw(a)- it differs phonet- 
ically in being formed only from transitive verbs with expressed object 
and in the constancy of the final -a- (third person aorist -Ywa, not 
-Y w ). Examples of its use are: 

s-m-H-fgili^sgwa, 1 he scratched his own nose 14.11; 15.7 

manx al-mt' M kVa ( = gw-Ywa) he painted his own face (cf . no u 'gw- 

i £ n I paint it) 
i-gaxaga'xgwtfn I scratch myself, i. e., my own (cf. %-gaxagixi ,£ n 

I scratch him) 
l-p!i i -no /u k.'wa, warm your nands! (188.20) (cf. i- / p!i i -nd fu Ywi £ n I 

warm his hands) 
s-in-c^Ze'p'gwa he stuck it into his own nose (cf. dd a -dele' 'p'i he 

pierced his — another's — ear) 
Ills £ a\-giliga r lk'weL s n I covered myself with moss (48.14) (cf. His 

%-giligiW £ n I covered him with moss) 
Mis £ l-giliga'l^w& £ n I covered my hands with moss 
gwen-p!iyi'nk*wa, he lies on pillow (probably = he causes his 

neck to lie) 2 
Jc!edelk'wa, £ n I pick them for myself (literally, I pick my own) 
de-yiuVauk'w&V he brandished it before his face 172.11 
i-Tc!u u ma'nk'wa, he prepared himself, got ready 172.2 (cf. i-lc!u u - 

ma x n he fixed it, got it ready 114.7) 

It will be noticed that whenever what in English we are accustomed 
to consider a direct reflexive is really such only in form, not in fact, the 
Takelma idiom requires the indirect -Ywa- form, not the direct reflexive 
in -gwi-. Thus, i see or scratch myself is not logically a reflexive in 
the same sense as i kill, drown, or hang myself, the former involv- 
ing strictly action on what belongs to the subject, not on the subject 
itself: i see or scratch my own (flesh). Still such distinctions can 

iThe object, generally a body-part, to which the action refers is printed in Roman characters. 
2 p. 'iyin- connected with -p ley en- lie? 

§ 51 



60AS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 149 

hardly be insisted upon; much depends on idiomatic usage. The 
indirect reflexive suffix, it would seem, is employed only when the 
direct object is incorporated in the verb; if the direct object is taken 
out of the verb-complex and provided with a possessive pronoun, all 
ambiguity as to the relation between subject and object is removed 
and the -gwa- falls out. Thus we have da a -de e le' 'p gwa he pierced 
his own ear with indirect reflexive -gwa- to show the possession of 
the object (dd a - ear) by the subject; da a dele'pi would mean he 
pierced another's ear. The former sentence can also be expressed 
more analytically by danxdagwa Tiadele'^i his-own (-dagwa) -ear he- 
in-pierced-it ; ddnxda Tiadele'pi would then have reference to the 
piercing of another's ear. In other words, the reflexive idea is 
expressed in the verb or in the noun according to whether the latter 
is incorporated or independent. 

INTRANSITIVE SUFFIXES (§§ 52-57) 
§ 52. General Remarks 

Under this head are included such suffixes as intransitivize a transi- 
tive verb by removing the object (-xa-), transferring the object from 
without to within the sphere of the subject (reflexive, reciprocal), or 
changing the character of the action altogether (non-agentive, posi- 
tional). The passive intransitivizes by removing, not the object, but 
the subject, the former remaining in exactly the same form in which 
we find it in the corresponding transitive; the voice is characterized 
by peculiar suffixes that differ for the various tense-modes, and which, 
following as they do the pronominal elements of the verb, will receive 
appropriate treatment in discussing the purely formal verbal elements. 
The normal transitive, its ' ancillary passive, the active intransitive 
(-xa-), the reflexive, the reciprocal, the non-agentive, and the posi- 
tional may be looked upon as the seven voices of a transitive verb, of 
which only the first five (possibly also the sixth), however, can be 
freely formed from any transitive stem. Of the seven voices, the 
first two are provided with a distinct set of pronominal object (and 
transitive subject) suffixes; the third and the fifth, with Class I 
intransitive subjects; the remaining, with Class II intransitive 
subjects. 

Before giving examples of the intransitive suffixes, it may be useful 
to rapidly follow out a particular transitive stem (dink!- stretch out 
[ = base din- + transitive petrified suffix -&/-]) inits various voices. First 

§ 52 



150 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

of all, we may form an ordinary active transitive verb with expressed 
object by attaching to the verb or aorist stem the appropriate pro- 
nominal suffixes: ba-i-de-di' n%kla £ n i stretch it out (like a rubber 
band or the like) (62.1). Secondly, from this may be formed a pas- 
sive by the addition to the stem (dinilc!-) of the pronominal object and 
characteristic passive suffix: ba-i-de-di f nilc!an it is or was (actively) 
stretched out. Thirdly, the transitive stem may be made intransi- 
tive by a failure to specify the object: ba-i-de-di' ni £ xade £ i stretch 
(something) out. Fourthly, a direct reflexive is formed by the 
suffix -gwi-: ba-i-de-di'ni £ Vwide £ i (actually, if such were possible) 
stretch myself out, in as literal a sense as in, e. g., i kill myself. 
Fifthly, the transitive form may be made reciprocal by the compound 
suffix -x-(ov -s-)an-: ba-i-de-di' ni £ xa s n they (actively and literally) 
stretch one another out. Sixthly, the non-agentive voice is 
formed by a suffixed -x-: ba-i-de-dini ,£ x it stretches out (144.14), 
in the sense in which a sore might be supposed to spread, without voli- 
tion and without apparent agency; this particular form is idiomati- 
cally employed to refer to the stretching out, advancing, marching, of 
a single column, the figure here being evidently that of a long string- 
like line moving out without distinctly sensed agency. Similarly, 
ba a -dini /£ x (clouds) spread up in long strips 13.3 are not actively 
spread out by some one, do not spread out some unexpressed object, 
are not conceived of as actually spreading themselves out, and are 
not conceived of as being in the static, purely positional condition of 
lying extended. Seventhly, the last, positional voice is expressed 
by an aoristic -i 1 -, non-aoristic -as-: dinktl it lies spread out, 
referring to a long string or other elongated body extended on the 
ground; future dink!a'sda a . A synopsis for the second person 
singular (and reciprocal plural) of dinlc!- (dinilc!-) spread of the 
seven voices in the six tense-modes is given in Appendix A. The 
intransitive suffixes will now be taken up in order. 

§ 53. Active Intransitive -xa- 

The -a- of this suffix is a constant element except before a per- 
sonal ending beginning with a vowel: p % ele'xiV we go to fight. 
Like other non-radical -a- vowels it may be umlauted to i : s'om-lil- 
Jiuixiya u£ they (indef.) operate as s'omloho f lxa £ s (class of medicine 
men) 172.14. The final consonant of the aorist stem of verbs of Type 

§ 53 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 151 

8 falls out before the -xa-, also an indirective d (including the -d- of 
-[a]md-, [a]ld; a final radical -d-, however, unites with -xa- to form 
-sa-). Verbs of Type 5 employ not the aorist, but the verb-stem, 
in the aorist of the -xa- derivative (cf. the parallel phenomenon in 
the formation of the frequentative, § 43, 1 and 6; for exceptions see 
§ 40, 5), inserting the repeated stem-vowel between the fortis conso- 
nant of the stem and the suffix; -xa- derivatives of Type 5 verbs 
thus belong to Type 2. For the vocalism of the stem of -xa- forms, 
see § 31, 5. Verbs in -xa- of Types 2 and 3 regularly have a short 
second stem vowel, even if the quantity in the primitive verb is long; 
this short vowel may, however, be secondarily lengthened, with fall- 
ing accent, to express a frequentative idea. In non-aorist forms the 
stress tends to fall on the -xa-. Verbs in -xa- can be formed, of 
course, only from transitives, and, although in form they are strictly 
intransitive, they always logically imply an object. Examples of 
-xa- are: 

lubiL'xa, 5 she pounded 16.9; i-lu'pxsigwank* she will pound having 

it (pestle) 55.10 (aorist transitive lobo s p she pounded them 

16.9) 
t!l i la'mx&de £ 1 went fishing (t!l i la r mda £ n I fished for them) 
~k!a a wa 'wxa £ she sifts 57.15 (k!a a wa f nda £ n I sift acorn meal [16.10]) 
da¥-fek!e'x& £ he smokes 96.23 (Type 5 da¥-t'e' e gi £ n I give him 

to smoke [170.13]) 
p!ebe'xa, £ h.e beat off (bark) 55.6 (plabab- chop [90.11]) 
lebe's&de £ I sew (leoeda' £ n I sew it) 

sgut!u'xsi £ he is cutting 92.2 (Type 5 aorist sgo u d- 72.10) 
al-x%kl%'x& £ he looked around 102.12 (Type 5 aorist al-xVg- 124.8) 
liiklu'xtf he traps (Type 5 aorist lo u g w - 78.5) ; future lil f£ x w Sigwa- 

dinin I shall trap for him 
wa a -himi f xside £ I was talking to somebody (wa a -Jiimida f£ n I talked 

to him [59.16]) 
daV-da-hele'halx&de £ I alwavs answer (daV-da-7ia a li' £ n I answer 

him [146.14]) 
daV-7iene'xsL £ he waits; future daV-7ienxeL'Ve e I shall wait {daV- 

Jiene e da ,£ n I wait for him) 
yimi's'2i £ (= -s*-xa £ ) he dreams; future yims'dJVe e ; imperative 

yims'a? 

In Ideme'nx&de 5 i was making, working (future Tc!emxdJfe e ) the 
loss of the -n- in the non-aorist forms (cf. ~klemna f n i shall make it 
[28.14]) may be due to a purely phonetic cause (see § 11) 

§ 53 



152 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

§ 54. Reflexive -gwi- 

The final consonant of the aorist stem of some verbs of Type 8 is 
eclipsed, with lengthening of preceding vowel, also before the reflex- 
ive -gwi- (see § 40, 8), in the case of others it is preserved. Where 
the -gwi- reflexive is derived from indirect transitives in -d- (-amd-, 
-gwadan-), there is often practically no difference in signification 
between it and the indirect reflexive -gwa-. Examples of -gwi- are : 

t!omok'wide £ I kill myself (from tlomom-) 

al-yebe'pgwif he showed himself (yebeb-) 

al-xi H k'wit K he looked at himself 

p!agank"wide £ I bathed (literally, I caused myself to bathe; 
cf. p!agd a na' £ n I bathe him) 

se e la ; 7nfgwide e I shall paint myself (se e la'mdan I shall paint him) 
jfgwaxdlk *wide £ I tattooed myself (Vgwaxai he tattooed him) 
\£gwd a xa r nVg-w\de e I shall tattoo myself ( = for myself) 

i-gis'iga's'gwide 5 1 tickle myself 

al-wa-ts!eyek t wide £ I washed myself with it 

dd a -delega'mVgw\de £ ( = dd a -dele'p'gwa £ n) I pierce my ears 

{yuV) Idemenk'witf they made themselves (strong) 27.12 

xuma ogoik\vide £ I give food to myself ( = 1 food-give myself) 

i-lesgi'k*wide e 1 shall touch myself 

Before the imperative endings -p\ -p'anp' the reflexive suffix be- 
comes lengthened to -gwi 1 -: 

Iclefgw^p" * pick them for yourself ! 

deegwa'ltgwVpanp take care of yourselves! 126.20; (128.24) 

The reflexive of naga- say to is irregular in that is is formed not 
from the transitive stem, but from the corresponding intransitive 
nagai- say: nagaiYwif he said to himself 104.1 (cf. nagaiYwa, §62). 



55. Reciprocal^ " x V 



an- 



The -x- and -s- preceding the characteristic reciprocal -an- (umlauted 
-in- ) suffix are nothing but the connective consonant of direct and in- 
direct transitive verbs respectively, the choice in the reciprocal form 
between the two depending entirely upon which is used in the cor- 
responding simple transitive. A difference, however, in the use of 
this -x- (s-) between the transitive and reciprocal is found in so far 
as in the latter it appears with a third as well as first and second 

1 Indirect reflexive (for onesell) in signification, though without indirective suffix of any kind. The 
form is thus analogous to such as kledhlsi mentioned above (see §59). That the reflexive action is 
thought of as indirective in character seems to be indicated by the ablaut of the stem (k.'dad-) ; see §31, 6. 

§§ 54-55 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 153 

personal object. The phonetic form of what precedes the -x- (s-) is the 
same as in the transitive from which the reciprocal is derived. The 
reciprocal element -an- is the only one of the verbal suffixes that is 
placed between the connecting -x- and the personal endings, so that 
it may rightly be looked upon as in a way equivalent to the incor- 
porated objective pronouns. Examples of -x-an- are: 

leloyoxiniY we go together, accompany one another (33.15) 

t!euxmiba £ ni let us play shinny! 

%-lats!a f xmiV we touch one another 

al-s'in-ld ,u xQ, £ B. they meet each other (literally, they thrust noses 

to one another) 
t!omdx& £ n they kill one another (33.10) 
gel-wayanxtfn they were sleeping together (literally, they caused 

each other to sleep facing each other) 190.2 
al-xi H x& s n they looked at each other 

Examples of -s-an-, i. e., of indirect reciprocals, are: 

naga' stfji they said to each other 31.9 (cf. naga'sbi £ n I said to you 

[100.1]); future nax&n £ t" (cf. naxbin [60.3]) 
sa a nsa'nsa, £ n they fight one another (23.14; 184.13) (cf. sa a nsa'ns- 

bi £ n) ; future sana/xanH' (23.15) (cf. sana'xbiri) 
Jie e£ -ius'£b £ n they went away from one another (cf. Jie e£ -lusbi £ n 

[184.14]); future Jie^-iwi'xemH" (cf. 7ie ee -iwi' 'xbiri) 
Zd°ma7sa £ n they quarreled with each other 27.2; 86.10 
wd a -7iimi' sa £ n they talked to one another 124.14(cf . wa a -liimi f sbi £ n) 
ld u gwa's'miba £ let us play 32.5 (cf. ld u gwa'sbin future) 
t!u / lt!als'in.iba £ let us play at gambling-sticks (t!ih y T) 31.9 
al-sege'saFsmiF we keep nodding to one another; se e Ysa'Y- 

sanF they nodded to one another (inferential) 172. 10 (but unre- 

duplicated al-se' e xmiY we nodded to each other) 

§ 56. Non-agentive -x- 

The difference in signification between the non-agentive -x- and the 
intransitive -xa- may be well brought out by a comparison with the 
distinctly double signification of English intransitively used transi- 
tives. If such a transitive word as split be relieved of its object, it 
may be employed in two quite distinct senses, either to indicate the 
same sort of action that is expressed by the transitive, but without ex- 
plicit direction (as, the caepenter can split, i. e., can split beams, 
boards) ; or to indicate a spontaneous non-volitional activity resulting 
in a static condition identical with that induced by the corresponding 
transitive action (as, the beams, boards, split, i. e., spontaneously 

§ 56 



154 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

undergo motion resulting in that condition which is brought about 
by corresponding activity from without : the carpenter splits the 
beams 7 boards) . split in the former case is rendered in Takelma by 
xa a -ts'!iwi'xa £ (aorist transitive ts'!iwi-d-); in the latter, by xa a - 
ts'HwVs- (= -ts' !iwi s d-x) . It is true that in some cases the use of -x- 
does not seem to be logically justified (e. g., al-huyuxde £ i hunt 136.18; 
al-ho-yoiya' £ n i hunt them) ; but something must be allowed for idio- 
matic, not literally translatable usage. Such petrified suffixes as 
-d- do not drop out before the -x-; the repeated consonant of Type 8 
verbs falls off as usual (yet cf. forms like limim-x-gwa- , §46). Ex- 
amples of the non-agentive are : 

Transitive Non-agentive 

i-¥wa' a gwi £ n I awakened him Ywa! a xde £ I awoke (16.3) (future 

16.4 (future l-Vwa'lclwin) Fwd' a£ xde e [190.5]) 

leme /£ ¥ they took them along leme' £ x they all went 136.7 

144.17 
l-fge e yili' £ n I roll it t K ge e ya y lx it rolls 

de-ts' !ibi y p* he closed door de-ts'!ibi y x (door) shut 

p!a-i-7ia-u-fgu' u ])* he upset it p!a-i-Jia-u-fgu fu px it upset 60.8 

wa £ -i-t!eme x m he assembled them wa-t!emexia u£ people assembled 

110.3 144.23 

7ia £ w-i-lia f nats!i £ n I made it stop ha-u-7iana /£ s( = -a'ts!x) it stopped 

(152.15; 198.9) 
dl-sgv! yuk !i £ n I knock it down di-sgu' i£ xk K it fell (nobody push- 

(48.7,8) ing) (59.11; 62.1) 

i-gwidigwa'fi he threw them huHu'nYwa (tiredness) gwidig- 

(108.21; 138.3) wa's (= -a y tx) he was plumb 

tired out (probably = he tot- 
tered with tiredness) 120.12 
i-smili' 'smili £ n I swing it smili' 'smalxde £ I swing 1 (73.2) 

ba a -t"e fe gi £ nllihitwp (Type 5) ~ba a -t K ek!e't*ax it bobs up and 

down (60.11,13,14) 

In some verbs -alx- ( = continuative -al- + non-agentive -x-) seems 
to be quite equivalent to the intransitive -xa-: 

geyewa!\xde £ I am eating (31.3) (but, hortatory, gelxsiba £ let us eat) 
le e bsL f jixde £ I carry (178.6) (la a la /£ n I carry it [178.3,4]) 
u u gw2Jnxde £ I drink (see § 21). 

The non-agentive character of verbs in -x- may be reflected in 
transitives (causatives) derived from them, in that in such causatives 

i It maynot be uninteresting to note, as throwing lighton the native feeling for -x-, that this form sounded 
somewhat queer to Mrs. Johnson, for, as she intimated, one can't very well be swinging without either 
actively swinging one's self or being swung by some one. 

§ 56 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 155 

the subject is not thought of as being the direct cause of the state or 
activity predicated, but is rather considered as indirectly responsible 
for it. Thus, from the aorist stem fgwilikfw- (t'gwili ,£ -x water, 
blood drops, drips 58.1) are formed: 

p!a-i-t gwili f k!w&n.a e n I (voluntarily) drop, spill it 
p!a-i-fgwili' e xn& £ n I have it drop (unavoidably), spill it (72.8,16) 

§ 57. Positional-/ >'- 

As we have already seen (§ 40, 15), this suffix, though of clearly 
derivational character, is generally, probably always, confined to the 
aorist. A positional verb in -l l - may be defined as expressing the 
state or condition resulting from the completed action of a transitive 
or non-agentive ; e. g., p!a-i-ha-u-£gup!idi it (box-like object) lies 
upside down is a verb expressing the result of the action defined in 
p!a-i-Jia-u-fgu /u ha £ n i upset it and p!a-i-lia-u-fgu' u px it upset 60.8. 
From one point of view the suffix -% l - serves to mark off a class of purely 
positional verbs, a different verb-stem being used for each general 
form-category of the object described. Such verbs of position are: 

dink !i long, stretched out object lies (transitive aorist dinik!-) 

fgeits'H round object lies (138.24) (t'geyets'!-) 

p*ildi flat object lies 

tlobigl corpse, dead-looking body lies 

s'eini box-like object with opening on top lies 

p!a-i-Jia-u-fgup!idl box-like object with opening below lies 

(fgu u h-) 
s'ugwidi curled-up object (like bundle of rope) lies 
da-sgali scattered objects (like grain on floor) lie 
wiklidi several objects heaped together lie (wi l g-) 
s'as'ini erect object is, he stands 34.1; 45.12;. 77.9 
s'u s will sitting object (person) is, he sits, dwells 21.1; 57.2 
Vebill absent object is, he is long absent 124.20 

Not so clearly positional are: 

la a ll (generally heard as Za a Ze r ) it becomes 33.17; 45.3 
yamll he looks pretty 

Of these verbs those that are directly derived from transitives, it 
will be observed, use in the aorist the verb-stem, not the aorist stem, 
of their simplex (thus dink!-, not dinik!-). The derivational -{a)d- 
(see § 42, 4) that seems to characterize a number of positional verbs 
can not be explained. 

57 § 



156 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Certain Takelma place-names in -4 (or -l-k ' , -i y -F with suffix -F 
characteristic of geographical names) can hardly be otherwise explained 
than as positional verbs in -&-, derived from nouns and provided with 
local prefixes defining the position of the noun. Such are : 

Di £ -dani 1 Table Rock (probably = vock[da^n] is[-l] west [di £ -]) ; 

west of the rock would be di £ -dana s (cf. danaYF my rock) 
DaF-fgami-F (cf. DaF-fgamiya' £ person from D.) (— place 

where [-F] e\ks[fga y m] are [2] above, on toip[daF-]) 
Dal-dani y F (cf. Dal-daniya f£ one from D.) ( = place where [-F-] 

in brush, away from creek [ dal-] is [ -%\ rock [ dcfrifi 
Jian-xilml ghost land ( = across river [ Jian-] are [ -%] ghosts [ xila y m]) 
de-d^wi near the falls of Rogue River ( = in front [-de-] are [-%] 

falls [diu]) 

§ 58. IMPERSONAL -iau- 

Verging toward the purely formal (pronominal) elements of the 
verb is the suffix -iau-. Forms in -iau- are intransitive, and may be 
formed from all intransitives and all transitives with incorporated 
pronominal object, the function of the suffix being to give an indefi- 
nite, generalized collective, or impersonal, signification (cf. German 
man, French on) to the always third personal pronominal (Class I 
intransitive) subject. Examples are: 

ya a nisL /u£ people go 58.14; 152.5 future yanayei' n£ f 
wa £ -l-t!emexia u£ people assem- future wa £ -l-demx'm u£ f 

ble 144.23 
e e MeL /u£ people are 192.7 (cf. 

e e bV¥ we are 180.13) 
tsfau yo u y& y uV there was (infer- 
ential) deep water (cf. 188.14) 
sa a nsa' 7isinm n£ fighting is go- future sana'xinieL u£ f 

ing on 23.14 
domxbiyeL u£ f people will kill you 

(intransitive; but transitive 

with definite third personal 

subject domxbinF they will 

kill you) (33.10) 

In particular, states of the weather or season, necessarily involving 
indefmiteness of subject, are referred to by forms provided with the 
indefinite suffix -iau-. Examples are : 

iThis example is due to Mr. IT. H. St. Clair 2d, from whose Manuscript Notes on Takelma it was 
taken. It is there written Di'tanV. 

I 58 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 157 

lop!odieL /n£ it is raining, hailing, or snowing 90.1; 152.11 (but 
definitely nox loploY it rains 90.1; (198.9); ts'lelam loploY it 
hails; p!a' a s loploY it snows 90.2; 196.7) 

lepniy2L y uV it has gotten to be winter 

samgm'^H' it will be summer (92.9) 

samgisiugulugwa'n it is about to be summer (literally, it is sum- 
mer-intended, see § 68) (cf. 48.13) 

fuwugm ,u£ it is hot (i. e., it is hot weather; but tuwu' E V it, some 
object, is hot [25.10]; 94.15) 

we fe g'm-vida £ when it is daybreak 73.6; 126.13 

4. Temporal- Modal and Pronominal Elements (§§59-67) 

§ 59. INTRODUCTORY 

Every Takelma verb except, so far as known, the defective copula 
elfe £ i am, has forms of six tense-modes — aorist, future, potential, 
inferential, present imperative, and future imperative. Of these, all 
but the aorist, which is built up on a derived aorist stem, are formed 
from the verb-stem. A special tense or mode sign, apart from the 
peculiar stem of the aorist, is found in none of the tense-modes 
except the inferential, which, in all the voices, is throughout charac- 
terized by a -¥-(-g-) following the objective, but preceding the sub- 
jective, pronominal elements. Each of the tense-modes except the 
potential, which uses the personal endings of the aorist, is, however, 
characterized by its own set of pronominal endings. It is for this 
very reason that it has seemed best to use the term tense-modes for 
the various modes and tenses, instead of attempting a necessarily 
artificial classification into tenses (aorist and future) and modes 
(indicative, potential, imperative, and inferential), the method of 
distinguishing the latter being fundamentally the same as that 
employed to form the former, i. e., the use of special pronominal 
schemes. 

The purely temporal idea is only slightly developed in the verb. 
The aorist does duty for the preterite (including the narrative past), 
the present, and the immediate future, as in now i shall go; while 
the future is employed to refer to future time distinctly set off from 
the present, as in i shall go this evening, to-morrow. A similar 
distinction between the immediate and more remote future is made 
in the imperative. The present imperative expresses a command 
which, it is intended, is to pass into more or less immediate fulfill- 
ment, as in go away! while the command expressed by the future 
§ 59 



158 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

imperative is not to be carried out until some stated or implied point 
of time definitely removed from the immediate present, as in come 
to-morrow!, give her to eat (when she recovers). The uses of the 
potential and inferential will be best illustrated by examples given 
after the forms themselves have been tabulated. In a general way 
the potential implies the ability to do a thing, or the possibility of 
the occurrence of a certain action or condition (i can, could go if I 
care, cared to), and thus is appropriately used in the apodosis of an 
unfulfilled or contrary-to-fact condition; it is also regularly employed 
in the expression of the negative imperative (prohibitive). The 
peculiar form of the potential (verb-stem with aorist pronoun endings) 
seems in a measure to reflect its modal signification, the identity of 
its stem with that of the future indicating apparently the lack of 
fulfillment of the action, while the aoristic pronominal elements may 
be interpreted as expressing the certainty of such fulfillment under 
the expressed or implied circumstances by the person referred to. 
The inferential implies that the action expressed by the verb is not 
directly known or stated on the authority of the speaker, but is only 
inferred from the circumstances of the case or rests on the authority 
of one other than the speaker. Thus, if I say the bear killed the 
man, and wish to state the event as a mere matter of fact, the truth 
of which is directly known from my own or another's experience, the 
aorist form would normally be employed : 

mena s (bear) yajpla (man) tlomoVwa (it killed him) 
If I wish, however, to imply that it is not definitely known from 
unmistakable evidence that the event really took place, or that it is 
inferred from certain facts (such as the finding of the man's corpse 
or the presence of a bear's footprints in the neighborhood of the 
house), or that the statement is not made on my own authority, the 
inferential would be employed : 

mencf yajpla domYwaY it seems that the bear killed the man; 
the bear must have, evidently has, killed the man 

Inasmuch as mythical narration is necessarily told on hearsay, one 
would expect the regular use of the inferential in the myths; yet, 
in the great majority of cases, the aorist was employed, either because 
the constant use of the relatively uncommon inferential forms would 
have been felt as intrusive and laborious, or because the events 
related in the myths are to be looked upon as objectively certain. 
§ 59 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 159 

The inferential is also regularly employed in expressing the negative 
future. 

Not only do the pronominal elements vary for the different tense- 
modes, but they change also for the two main classes of intransitive 
verbs and for the transitive (subject and object), except that in the 
present imperative and inferential no such class-differences are 
discernible, though even in these the characteristic -p*~ of Class II 
intransitives brings about a striking formal, if not strictly personal, 
difference. We thus have the following eleven pronominal schemes to 
deal with: 

Aorist subject intransitive I. 

Aorist subject intransitive II. 

Aorist subject transitive. 

Future subject intransitive I. 

Future subject intransitive II. 

Future subject transitive. 

Inferential subject. 

Present imperative subject. 

Future imperative subject intransitive I and transitive. 

Future imperative subject intransitive II. 

Object transitive (and subject passive). 

The transitive objects are alike for all tense-modes, except that 
the combination of the first person singular object and second person 
singular or plural subject (i. e., thou or ye me) always agrees with 
the corresponding subject form of intransitive II. Not all the per- 
sonal forms in these schemes stand alone, there being a number of 
intercrossings between the schemes of the three classes of verbs. The 
total number of personal endings is furthermore greatly lessened by 
the absence of a dual and the lack of a distinct plural form for the 
third person. The third person subject is positively characterized 
by a distinct personal ending only in the aorist subject intransitive I, 
the future subject intransitive I, the future subject intransitive II, 
and the future subject transitive; as object, it is never characterized 
at all, except in so far as the third person object, when referring to 
human beings, is optionally indicated by a special suffix -Vwa- 
(-gwa-) . In all other cases the third person is negatively characterized 
by the absence of a personal ending. The second singular subject of 
the present imperative is similarly negatively characterized by the 
absence of a personal ending, though the -p of the present imperative 
intransitive II superficially contradicts this statement (see § 61). 

§ 59 



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[bull. 40 



The pronominal schemes, with illustrative paradigms, will now be 
taken up according to the verb-classes. 

§ 60. INTRANSITIVES, CLASS I 

This class embraces most of the intransitives of the language, 
particularly those of active significance (e. g., come, go, run, dance 
play, sing, die, shout, jump, yet also such as be, sleep), verbs in 
-xa-, indefinites in -iau-, and reciprocals. The tense-modes of such 
verbs have the following characteristic subjective personal endings: 





Aorist 


Future 


Inferential 


Present 
imperative 


Future 
imperative 


Singular: 












First person . . 


-f e 6 , -tie* 


-fee, -dee 


-V-a* 






Second person . 


■w 


-(a)da'e 


-k' £ eW 





-(ayr 


Third person . . 


_£ 


-(ay? 


- y k' 






Plural: 












First person . . . 


-w 


-(i)ga'm 


-k'-ana^k' 


-(o)&0*e 




Second person . 


-(a^t'p- 


-(a')t'bat 


-k' £ eit'p' 


(-(a^)np' 


? 



lit is possible that this suffix is really -k'a s n; -n after a catch is practically without sonority, and 
very easily missed by the ear. The first person singular and plural inferential endings are then both 
transitives in form (cf. -a e n and -ana^k' as first person singular and plural subject of transitives) ; the third 
person is without ending in both. The ending -k'-a s n is made particularly likely by the subordinate in 
-k'-a'n-da* (see § 70). 

The imperative is necessarily lacking in the first person singular and 
third person. The first person plural in -(a)ba ,£ of the present imper- 
ative is used as a hortatory: yanaba /£ let us go! 158.11; (cf. 168.11). 
This -(a)l>a /£ is not infrequently followed by emphasizing particles : -ni s 
(e. g., yubd fa£ ni K let us be! [cf. 158.8]) ; -hi (e. g., ye e ba' £ M let us re- 
turn! 63.1; see § 114, 2), or -Jia^n (e. g., ya' 'naba £ lia y n let us go 64.1), 
the last of these being clearly identical with the nominal plural ele- 
ment -Jian (see § 99) ; -nihan is also found (ya'naba a£ niha s n let us all 
go, pray! [cf. 150.24; 152.6]). No true future hortatory and second 
person plural imperative seem to exist; for the latter, the ordinary 
indicative form in -fba £ (-daba £ in the other classes) was always given. 
The connective -a- is used with most of the consonantal endings, as 
indicated in the table, when the preceding part of the word ends in a 
consonant, otherwise the ending is directly attached; in the reciprocal 
-t*p\ -H\ and -f ba £ are directly added to the suffix -an-. Before the 
only vocalic ending, -i s ~k\ a glide -y- is introduced if the preceding 
sound is a vowel (e. g., al-yowoyi K ¥ we look). In the first person 
plural of the future -iga'm (-aorist -ig- + -a'm; cf . -da'm in possessive 
§ 60 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



161 



pronouns, §§ 91-3) is used after consonants, -ga'm after vowels. The 
first form of the second person plural imperative (-a^np*) is used to 
follow most consonants {- y np K to follow a " constant" -a- of the stem), 
- y f being found only after vowels and probably m and n (e. g., yu s p K 
be ye!; yancfp* go ye!). 

In regard to the etymology of the endings, it is clear that the 
second person plural aorist is derived from the corresponding singular 
form by the addition of a characteristic -p (cf. the imperative), 
that the second persons of the future are differentiated from the 
aorist forms by an added -a £ , and that the first person singular future 
is identical with the corresponding form in the aorist, except for the 
lack of a catch. The second persons of the inferential are peri- 
phrastic forms, consisting of the third personal form in -V (mode- 
sign, not personal ending) plus elf thou art, eifp* ye are. 

As paradigmatic examples are chosen a stem ending in a vowel 
(aorist yowo- be) , one ending in a consonant (aorist baxam- come) , a 
reciprocal (aorist sa a nsan-san- fight with one another), and an 
indefinite in -iau- (aorist fuwu-g-iau- be hot) . 

AORIST 



Singular: 

First person , 

Second person 
Third person , 

Plural: 

First person 
Second person 



yowo't'e 1 1 run 

yowo^V 
yowo' £ 



yowoy\ y K 
yowoVj)' 



baxafiiVe £ 
come 

ftaxamaY 
baxa' £ m 



baxamVk' 
baxama^t'j)* 



sdansa'nsa £ n they 
fight 



sdansa'nsinik' 
sdansa'nsanV-p' 



t'uwiigia'u* it is hot 







FUTURE 






Singular: 










First person . . 


yu't'e e 


baxma't'e e 






Second person . . 


yud&'e 


baxmada,' 5 






Third person . . 


yu' s V 


baxma ,£ t' 


sana'xan^V 


t'uugia'utt' 


Plural: 










First person . . 


yug&'m 


baxmag&'m 


sana'xinigam 




Second person . . 


yu'Vhte 


baxma'Vbae 


sana'xant'b&t 





POTENTIAL 



Singular: 

First person 
Second person 
Third person 

Plural: 

First person 
Second person 



yu'Ve s 

yuV 

yu'e 

yuwVk' 
yu x t'p* 



baxma't'e s 

baxma^V 

baxma'e 

baxmVk* 
baxma^V-p' 



sana'xinik' 
sana'xanVip' 



Vuugia'ue 



3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 11 



60 



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BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 
INFERENTIAL 



Lbull. 40 



Singular: 

First person 
Second person 
Third person 

Plural: 

First person 
Second person 



yu'Weit' J 
yu'k' 

yw'k'anaV 
2/w'kleit'p' 



6axma'k'a £ 

baxma r k.leit' 

baxma^ 

baxma'k' ana'k' 
6axma'k!eit'p' 



sana'xarik' 

sana'ia7ik'ana v k' 
sana'xarikleiV-p' 



t'uugiau^k' 



i-fc'+«=fc/ See §12. 
PRESENT IMPERATIVE 



Singular: 










Second person . . 


yu y 


baxma y 






Plural: 










First person . . 


yuba'e 


baxmab&'e 


sana'xinib& s 1 




Second person . . 


yu^ K 


ftaima^np* 


(?)sarea'xananp t 





i The -i- of -iba £ evidently corresponds to the -i- in the first person plural aorist -ik', future -igam, but 
appears, so far as known, only in the reciprocal, and, of course, in such cases as require connective -i- 
instead of -a- (see below, § 64) : ha £ w-i-k!emniba' s let us sweat, with -i- because of instrumental 1-. 

FUTURE IMPERATIVE 



Singular: 

Second person 



yw /£ k' 



baxma'^k' 



A few intransitives of this class add the consonantal pronominal 
endings directly to the final semi-vowel (-y-) of the stem, instead of 
employing the connective vowel -a-. Such are: 

elf 1 thou art 108.2, elfp ye are 14.10 (contrast yewey&Y thou 
returnest [58.13], but yewelfe £ I return [188.4] like ei£e e I am 
198.2) 

nagaif thou sayest 56.5, nagalfp ye say 170.4 (contrast fagay&H* 
thou criest, but fagai£e £ I cry [180.5] like nagaife s I say 180.1) 

To this somewhat irregular group of verbs belongs probably also lo u - 
play, though, not ending in a semi-vowel in either the verb or aorist 
stem, it shows no forms directly comparable to those just given; its 
third person aorist, however, shows a rising accent before the catch: 
lo u l £ 2 70.4 (not *lo' u l £ ), a phenomenon that seems connected (see below, 
§ 65) with the lack of a connecting vowel before the personal endings. 
A few stray verbs, otherwise following the normal scheme of 
intransitive Class I endings, seem to lack a catch in the third person 
aorist : 

1 This verb is defective, having only the three forms given above, the first person plural eebPk' 180.13, 
and the (cf. class II) indefinite eebia'ue 192.7, the latter two with loss of i and intrusive -6-. The third 
person and the non-aorist forms are supplied by yo- be. 

2 c~l £ appears also in certain usitatives: hiwiRl s he used to RUN,s<7eZeZ £ HE kept shouting, in which the 
rising accent is probably radical (see § 43, 4); these forms, furthermore, have lost a w, § 18 (cf. hiwiliut'c* 
I run, sgeleut'e 1 1 shout). 

S 60 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 163 

lop!oY l it rains 90.1, 2 (yet lopIodaH' you are raining 198.9; 

lopda'H* it will rain; lop'da^x to rain, § 74, 1) 
Mx it burns 98.1 (yet fiaxa'H' it will burn) 

Several intransitive Class I usitatives seem to lack the catch of the 
third person aorist also : 

ginin¥ he always went to 46.11 (from gini' £ ¥ he went to) 
witdlsma he keeps moving (from witc!i' e m he moves 148.12) 
yeiveo y ¥ he is wont to return 47.4; 116.2 (yet yeweogcff you are 
wont to return) 

No explanation can be given of this irregularity. 

The inferential endings, as has been already remarked, are iden- 
tical for all classes of verbs, so that the following applies to Class II 
intransitives and to transitives as well as to Class I intransitives. 
The mode-sign -¥ is added directly to the final vowel or consonant 
of the verb-stem (or stem with its added derivative and pronominal 
object suffixes) without connecting a. All combinations of conso- 
nants are here allowed that are at all possible as syllabically final 
clusters (see § 16) ; indeed some of the final consonant clusters, as 
-s¥, -p'¥, -np¥, -lp"k \ hardly occur, if at all, outside the inferential. 
If the resulting consonant combination would be phonetically impos- 
sible an inorganic a is introduced between the two consonants that 
precede the inferential -¥ ; secondary diphthongs with raised accent 
may thus arise : 

~k!ema s n¥ he made it (verb-stem Jdemn-) 

bila s u¥ he jumped 160.17 (verb-stem lilw-) 
Double diphthongs are often allowed to stand unaltered before -¥ 
(e.g.,olnFHE gave them; also imperative oin give them!) ; sometimes 
doublets, with double diphthong or with inorganic a. are found (e. g., 
ts!aim¥ or ts!aya y m¥ he hid it; also passive participle ts!almlia¥ w 
hidden, but tslaya'm hide it! tsleya'raxi hide me! ts!aya'mxam¥ he 
hid us [158.7]). TVith a final -g- or -gv;- the inferential -Jc' unites 
to form -£' or -¥ lc , but with lengthening of the preceding vowel; 
-Tc!--\--¥ becomes - /c 7j\ Examples are: 

he e nak' w { = -a s gw-¥) he consumed them (cf. 48.10); but lie e n<L y ¥ w 

consume them! 
wa-yana¥ w (= yana y -gv>¥) he ran after them 98.10; but war 

yana K ¥ w run after them! 

1 This form can not possibly have been misheard for *lop.'o'-t', the form to be expected, as the subor- 
dinate is lop.'ot'a-, not *lop!o'uda £ , which would be required by a *lop.'o' s f (see §70). 

$ 60 



164 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



yo u ¥ w ( = yogw-¥) she married him 192.16 

7ie £ -i-le f m £ ¥ (=lerrik!-V) he destroyed them (146.20); 154.11; 
also imperative ( = *lemk!) 

§ 61. INTRANSITIVE S, CLASS II 

Most verbs of Class II intransitives, unlike those that are most 
typical of Class I, are derived from transitives, the majority of 
examples falling under the heads of non-agentives in -x-, reflexives 
in -gwi-y positionals in -%*-, and verbs with intransitivizing -p'~ either 
in all their tense-modes or in all but the aorist (see § 42, 1). Besides 
these main groups there are a straggling number of not easily clas- 
sified verbs that also show the peculiarities of the class ; such are : 

sene'sanf e £ I whoop (110.20; 180.15) 
wife' I go about (90.1; 92.29; 122.23) 
liglnfe £ Irest (48.11; 79.2,4; 102.1) 
MHi'nfe* I am tired (48.4, 11; 102.1, 8; 120.11) 

In a rough way the main characteristic of Class II intransitives, as 
far as signification is concerned, is that they denote conditions and 
processes, while Class I intransitives are in great part verbs of action. 
Following is the scheme of subjective pronominal endings character- 
istic of Class II: 





Aorist 


Future 


Inferential 


Present im- 
perative 


Future im- 
perative 


Singular: 












First person . 


■Vet, -de* 


fee, -dee 


(-p'Ha £ 






Second person . 


-Vara, -dam 


-fat, -da £ 


(-p')-k' E e\V 


(-ZO 


(-p K )-ga £ m 


Third person . 


!~l 


-t'aa, -daA 


(-p')-fc' 






Plural: 












First person . 


(-p')-jfc' 


(-p % )-igam 


(-p')-g-ana y k' 


(-p')-a&a £ 




Second person . 


-t' ap\ -dap % 


-t'aba £ , -daba£ 


(-p')-k' £ elt'p' 


(-p')-awp' 





In comparing these endings with those of Class I intransitives, it is 
seen that the characteristic peculiarities of Class II intransitives 
are: the -am of the second person singular aorist and future im- 
perative (-fam[ = -f + -am], -ga £ m [ ? = - £ ¥ + -am]) ; the -a- between the 
-f- and the -p*- (-&-) in the second person plural aorist and future; 
the lack of a catch in the third person aorist ; the ending -f a a of the 
third person future ; and the presence of a -p- (-&-) in the first person 
plural aorist and future and in the inferential, present imperative, and 
future imperative forms. The last feature is, however, absent in the 
non-agentive -x- verbs and in the future of reflexives. The labial in 

§ 61 



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HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 



165 



the first person plural of the aorist and future is evidently connected 
with the-&- of e e bi y ¥ we are (see § 60, fourth footnote) ; the parallel- 
ism is made complete by the fact that impersonal forms in -iau- 
derived from Class II intransitives (except non-agentives) show a -p- 
before the suffix, analogously to e e Ma' ue : 

sene'sanpia u£ there is whooping, se'nsanpia u£ £ there will be 
whooping 

In the third person of the aorist, positionals in -l 1 -, non-agentives, and 
verbs in -p- and other consonants (except n and probably I, m) lack 
a positive ending, while reflexives and most of the miscellaneous verbs 
(ending in a vowel or n, I, and m) show a final -t\ There is every 
reason to believe that the absence of a -£ in the former group of forms 
is due to phonetic conditions that brought about its loss (see § 18). 
As examples of verbs of this class will serve a non-agentive (aorist 
ha-u-Jiana £ s- stop), a reflexive (aorist i-lets!e¥wi- touch one's self), 
a positional (aorist s'as'ini*- stand), and one of the miscellaneous 
verbs (wi*- go about). 

AORIST. 



Singular: 












First person . 


hana'esd& I stop 


lets!ek'wid& I touch 
myself 


s-as-inlt'&I stand 


wlt'e £ I go 


about 

• 


Second person 


hana' s isdam. 


lets.'ek'wid&m 


s-as-mit'am 


wit' am 




Third person 


hana' s s 


lets.'ek'wit' 


s-as-ini 


wit' 




Plural: 












First person . 


hana' s $ik' 


lets.'ek'wibik* 


s-as-mjp'ik* 


wp'ik' 




Second person 


ftema' £ sdap* 


lets!ek'wid?L-p' 


s-as-wwt'ap' 


wit'ap' 





FUTURE 



Singular: 










First person . 


ha'ntsdep 


lesgi'k*wide e 


s-a's-ant'ee 


wlt'e e 


Second person 


ha'n e sda, s 


lesgi'k'widat 


s-a's-ant'& e 


wt'a £ 


Third person . 


fta'w £ sda a 


lesgi'k'widw 


s-a's-anVa,* 


wiit'a 3 


Plural: 










First person . 


ha'n-sigaxa 


lesgi'k'wigam 


S'c's-awp'igam 


wp'igam 


Second person 


ha'ntsd&ba? 


lesgi'k'wid&bafi 


s-a's-ant'ab&s 


wnt'aba 5 



POTENTIAL. 



Singular: 










First person . 


ha'n s sd& 


lesgi'k'wide* 


$-a's-ant'e $ 


wife 5 


Second person 


ha'n s sdam 


lesgi'kwidam 


s-c's-cnt'am 


wit' am 


Third person . 


ha'n s s 


lesgi'k'wit' 


s-a's-ant" (?) 


wit" 


Plural: 










First person . 


ha'n £ sik x 


lesgi'k'wibik' 


s-a's'anp'ik" 


wp'ik' 


Second person 


ha'n £ sd&p' 


lesgi'k'wid&p* 


s-a's-cmt'ap' 


wt'ap' 



§ 61 



166 



BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

INFERENTIAL 



[BULL. 40 



Singular: 










First person . 


ha'n e sga s 


lesgi'k'wip* ga s 


s-a's-anp'gtf 


wnp'ga 5 


Second person 


M'n^skleiV 


lesgi'k'wip'kleif 


s-a's-cmp'klelt' 


wp'k.'eit* 


Third person . 


Jia'n e sk" 


lesgi'k'wijfk'' 


s-a's'cmp'k' 


wip'k' 


Plural: 










First person . 


fta'^sgana^k' 


lesgi'k x wvp % gana^k* 


s-c's-anp'gana^k* 


wp'gana v k' 


Second person 


fta'wsskleit'p' 


Zes^i'fc'wip'kleit'p' 


s-a's-cnp'kleit'p' 


wnp'kleit'p' 



PRESENT IMPERATIVE 



Singular: 










Second person 


ha'n £ s 


lesgi'k'wlty 


s-a's-anp' 


wij> % 


Plural: 










First person . 


ha'n s saba s 


lesgi'k*w¥p' aba s 


s-a's-emp'aba £ 


wup'aba 6 


Second person 


Jia'n^sairp' 


lesgi'k'wiij)' anf)' 


s-c's-cwp'anp' 


wp'anp' 



FUTURE IMPERATIVE 



Singular: 

Second person 



7ia / K«sga £ ni 



lesgi'k' wlij> ' gafm 



•a's-awp'gasni 



wp'gafm 



Those verbs of this class that are characterized, either throughout 
their forms or in all non-aorist forms, by a suffixed ft have this ele- 
ment coalesce with the -ft of the first person plural, inferential, and 
imperative, but with lengthening of an immediately preceding vowel. 
In the imperative this lengthened vowel seems to take on a falling 
accent : 

ftala fa ft tell a myth! (cf. ftala'ftde e I shall tell a myth, with 

inorganic second a) 
sana! a ft fight! (cf. sana'ftde e I shall fight, with radical second a) 

The verb wog- arrive is peculiar in that the aorist is formed after 
the manner of Class II verbs (woF he arrives 47.15; woFdam you 
arrive), while the non-aorist forms belong to Class I (e. g., woga'H* 
he will arrive). It is further noteworthy that many, perhaps 
most, Class II intransitives form their usitative and frequentative 
forms according to Class I. Examples, showing the third person 
aorist catch, are: 

s'u' £ alha e they always dwell 112.2 (from s'ufwili 21.1; but first 
person plural s'u' e alhibiF) ; contrast Class II s'as'a'rihaft he 
keeps standing (from s'as'inl 34.1) 
wogowaf e F they keep arriving 112.2 (from woF) 
s'o'wd u s'a uS they keep jumping (112.5,10) (from s'owo' u£ Faft 
48.15) 
§ 61 



boas J HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 16 V 

Several non-agentives in -x- drop the -x- and become Class I intran- 
sitives in the frequentative: 

pla-i-t'gwiWH'gwal 5 (water) keeps dripping down (cf. p!a-i- 

£gwili' i£ x it drips down 58.1) 
xaP-sgotlo'sgaH" it breaks to pieces 62.1 (cf. xa a -sgo' u s = -sgb u d-% it 

breaks [61.13]) 
xa a -sgd' uS £sgada £ f it will break to pieces (cf. xd a -sgd ,u£ sda it will 
break [148.8]) 

TRANSITIVES, CLASS III (§§ 62-66) 
§ 62. General Remarks 

The subject pronominal elements of the transitive verb combine 
with the objective elements to form rather closely welded compound 
endings, yet hardly ever so that the two can not separately be recog- 
nized as such; the order of composition is in every case pronominal 

object + subject. It is only in the combinations thou or ye 

me that such composition does not take place ; in these the first person 
singular object is, properly speaking, not expressed at all, except in 
so far as the stem undergoes palatalization if possible (see § 31, 1), 
while the second person subject assumes the form in which it is 
found in Class II of intransitive verbs. The pronominal objects are 
decidedly a more integral part of the verb-form than the subjects, 
for not only do they precede these, but in passives, periphrastic 
futures, nouns of agency, and infinitives they are found unaccompa- 
nied by them. For example : 

ddmxbina e you will be killed (178.15) 
domxbigulu x ¥ w he will kill you 
domxbi £ s one who kills you 
domxbiya to kill you 

are analogous, as far as the incorporated pronominal object (-hi-) is 
concerned, to: 

domxbinV he will kill you; t!omoxbi £ n I kill you 
The pronominal objects are found in all the tense-modes, as far as 
the meaning of these permits, and are entirely distinct from all the 
subjective elements, except that the ending of the second person 
plural coincides with one form of the second person singular present 
imperative of the intransitive, -anp\ These elements are: 

Singular: First person, -xi (with third subjective); second person, 

-hi; third person, ; third person (human), -Viva. Plural: First 

person, -am; second person, -anp (-anb-). 

§ 62 



168 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

It does not seem that -Vwa-, which is optionally used as the third 
personal object when reference is distinctly had to a human being (or 
to a mythical animal conceived of as a human being), can be com- 
bined with other than a third personal subject (at least no other 
examples have been found) ; nor can it be used as an indirect ob- 
ject if the verb already contains among its prefixes an incorporated 
indirect object. These restrictions on the use of -Vwa- enable us 
effectually to distinguish it from the indirect reflexive -Vwa- which 
has already been discussed, this element normally requiring an incor- 
porated object prefixed to the verb. Examples of the objective 
-Vwa- are: 

tlomoVwa 1 it killed him 15.16; 28.11 

Jie e$ -mVwa he went away from him 

JiaxanVwa he burnt him 27.16 

sa a nsa'nVwa he fought with him 28.10 

nagalVwa he said to him 152.3 (with very puzzling intransitive 
-%-; contrast naga y he said to him) 

wefgigwa she took (it) away from him (49.6) 

laVwaV (inferential) he gave him to eat 

In several respects this -Vwa differs fundamentally from the other 
object suffixes. It allows no connective -x- to stand before it (see § 
64) ; the indirective -d- of -a'ld- (see § 48) drops out before it: 
gayawa'TVwa he ate him; cf. gayawa'lsbi he ate you (26.8) 
and, differing in this respect from the suffixless third person object, it 
allows no instrumental i to stand before it (see § 64) : 

l-t!ana'~kagwa he held him (25.10) ; cf. %-tfana'lii he held it 27.4 
daV-da-halVwa he answered him 180.18; cf. daV-da-ha a li' s n I 
answered him (146.14) 

It is thus evident that forms with suffixed -Vwa approximate in- 
transitives in form (cf . nagalVwa above) . With a stem-final g, gw the 
suffix unites to form -Vwa, the preceding vowel being lengthened and 
receiving a rising accent; with a stem-final 1c! it unites to form - £ Vwa, 
the preceding vowel being lengthened with falling accent. Examples 
are: 

tfayaVwa he found him 71.14; cf. t!aya s V he found it 43.4; 134.17 
malaVwa he told him 22.8; (72.14); cf. malagana'nhi he told it 
to him (see § 50) 30.15 

1 The final consonant of the aoristic stem of Type 8 verbs is regularly lost before -k'wa. 

§ 62 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 169 

da-lc!os'o u Vwa they bit him 74.5 (aorist stem -kfos'og-) 
Jie e£ -ileme' e£ Vwa he destroyed them (50.2) ; cf. 7ie e£ -lleme']c!i £ n I 

destroyed them (110.2) 
mul'u^Vwa he swallowed him 72.16; cf. mulu'V.a £ n I swallowed 

him (73.1) 

Verbs that have a suffixed comitative -{a)gwa- show, in combina- 
tion with the objective -Vwa-, a probably dissimilated suffix -giVwa 
(-gigwa), the connecting a preceding this compound suffix being of 
course umlauted to i: 

xebeyigi'Vwa he hurt him (cf. xebeyagwa' £ n I hurt him [136.23]) 
uyu' i£ sgigwa he laughed at him 27.5 (cf. uyu' £ sgwa £ n I laugh at 
him [71.7]) 

It is rather interesting to observe how the objecth e -Vwa- may serve 
to remove some of the ambiguities that are ap'j to arise in Takelma 
in the use of the third person, he gave it to him is expressed in the 
inferential by the forms o'ViV and o'VigwaV, the latter of which 
necessarily refers to a human indirect object. If a noun or inde- 
pendent pronoun be put before these apparently synonymous forms, 
sentences are framed of quite divergent signification. In the first 
sentence (noun + o'FiF) the prefixed noun would naturally be taken 
as the object (direct or indirect) of the verb (e. g., ne'Vdi o'Vik^ 
he who-gave it ? [ = to whom did he give it ?]) ; in the second 
(noun + o'VigwaV), as subject, a doubly expressed object being inad- 
missible (e. g., ne'Vdi o'VigwaV who gave it to him?), to whom 
did he bring it? with incorporated object 'ne'Vdi reads ne'Vdi 
me £ -waV literally, he-who-hhher-brought-it ? who brought it 
to him? with subject ne'Vdi reads (as inferential form) ne'Vdi 
wagawo'VwaV (-o- unexplained), he found the ants is expressed 
by tlibis'i 1 tlaycfV, but the ants found him by tlibis'i 1 tlayaVwa. 
The usage illustrated may be stated thus : whenever the third personal 
object refers to a human being and the subject is expressed as a 
noun, suffixed -Vwa must be used to indicate the object; if it is not 
used, the expressed noun will most naturally be construed as the 
object of the verb. An effective means is thus present in Takelma 
for the distinction of a personal subject and object. 

§ 62 



170 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



§ 63. Transitive Subject Pronouns 
The various tense-modal schemes of subject pronouns in the tran- 
sitive verb are as follows : 



Singular: 

First person . 

Second person 

Third person . 
Plural: 

First person . 

Second person 



Aorist 



(a')% 

dam (1st sing, 
obj.) 



-(a)na¥ 

<Wp' 

-dap' (1st sing, 
obj.) 



Future 



-{a')n 

'(a)da s 

-da s ( 1st sing, obj.) 

-(a y )n¥ 

-{a)naga'm 

-(a')t'ba £ 

-daba s (1st sing, 
obj.) 



Inferential 



-k'-a* 

-k' 

Tc'-anak' 
>-k' £ elt'p' 



Present 
imperative 



-(a) ba' £ 

■V' 

■(a)np' 



Future 
imperative 



\-ga £ m (1st sing. 
1 obj.) 



Setting aside the peculiar second personal subject first personal 
singular object terminations, it will be observed that the subjective 
forms of the transitive are identical with those of the intransitive 
(Class I) except in the first person singular and plural aorist and 
future, and in the third person aorist and future. The loss in the 
future of the catch of the first person singular aorist (~fe £ : fe e = 
- £ n: -n) and the addition in the future of -am to the first person 
plural aorist {-%¥: -igam = -naV : -nagam) are quite parallel phe- 
nomena. It will be observed also that the first person plural, 
probably also singular, aorist of the transitive, is in form identical, 
except for the mode-sign -F-, with the corresponding form of the 
inferential, so that one is justified in suspecting this tense-mode to 
consist, morphologically speaking, of transitive forms with third 
personal object (see § 60, first footnote). 

The forms of do u m- (aorist tlomom-) kill will show the method of 
combining subjective and objective pronominal elements. 

AORIST 





Objective 


Subjective 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singulai : 
1st per. 




t.'omoxWn 


t!omoma' £ n 




t.'omoxanba s n 


2d per. 


t.'umUxdam 




t!omomd>t' 


t.'omoximit' 




3d per. 


t.'umuxi 


t.'omoxhi 


tfomdm 


tfomoxara 


tfomoxanp' i 


Plural: 












Jstper. 




tlomoxhinak' 


£/omomana v k' 




t.'omoxanbana^'k.' 


2d per. 


f/uTOuidap' 




t!omoma, y t'p' 


t.'omoxixmt'ip' 





J Not to be confused with t.'omoxant'p' ye ake killing each other! 



§ 63 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 
FUTURE 



171 









Objective 






Subjective 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singular: 












1st per. 




ddmxb'm 


douma'n 




doTOxanban 


2d per. 


dumxda s 




doumada' s 


domximida £ 




3d per. 


Mraxink' 


domxhink' 


douma^nk' 


domxamank' 


domxanbank" 


Plural: 












1st per. 




domxbinagam 


doumanaga'm 




dowxambanagam 


2d per. 


diimxd&ba? 




dduTna't'ba s 


do?7mmit'ba £ i 









PRESENT IMPERATIVE 






Singular: 












2d per. 


dumxi 




doum 


domxam 




Plural: 












1st per. 






doumaha' £ 






2d per. 


diimxip' 




doum-p' {al-xV- 
fc/anp* 
seebim!) 


(Zomxamp'i 





FUTURE IMPERATIVE 



Singular: 
2d per. 



dumxga £ m 



douma'^k' 



i These forms were not actually obtained, but can hardly be considered as doubtful. 
2 Probably expressed by simple future ddmximida e . 

It is not necessary to give the transitive potential and inferential 
forms, as the former can be easily constructed by substituting in the 
future forms the aorist endings for those of the future : 

dumxi he would kill me 
do u ma' £ n I should, could kill him 
do u m he would, could kill him 

The inferential forms can be built up from the corresponding future 
forms by substituting for the subject endings of the latter those given 
in the table for the inferential mode : 

dumxiV he killed me 
domxamklelf you killed us 
dom¥a £ I killed him 
domxanp gancfV we killed you 

The only point to which attention need be called in the aorist and 
future forms is the use of a connecting vowel -i- instead of -a- when 
the first personal plural object (-am-) is combined with a second 
singular or plural subject (-if, -ifp 1 , -ida £ , -ifba £ ) ; this -i- naturally 

§ 63 



172 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 

carries the umlaut of -am- to -im- with it, but -am- reappears when 
-i- drops out, cf. inferential domxamkletf. With the -i- of these 
forms compare the -i- of the first person plural intransitives -ik\ 
-iga'm, -iba £ (§ 60 and § 60, second footnote). 

§ 64. Connecting -x- and -/'- 

It will have been observed that in all forms but those provided 
with a third personal object the endings are not directly added to 
the stem, but are joined to it by a connecting consonant -x- (amalga- 
mating with preceding -t- to -s'-) . This element we have seen to be 
identical with the -x- (s-) of reciprocal forms ; and there is a possi- 
bility of its being related to the -xa- of active intransitive verbs, 
hardly, however, to the non-agentive -x-. Though it appears as a 
purely formal, apparently meaningless element, its original function 
must have been to indicate the objective relation in which the 
immediately following pronominal suffix stands to the verb. From 
this point of view it is absent in a third personal object form simply 
because there is no expressed pronominal element for it to objectivize, 
as it were. The final aoristic consonant of Type 8 verbs regularly 
disappears before the connecting -x~, so that its retention becomes 
a probably secondary mark of a third personal pronominal object. 
The fact that the third personal objective element -Vwa- (-gwa-) does 
not tolerate a preceding connective -x- puts it in a class by itself, 
affiliating it to some extent with the derivational suffixes of the verb. 

There are, comparatively speaking, few transitive stems ending in 
a vowel, so that it does not often happen that the subjective personal 
endings, the third personal object being unexpressed, are directly 
attached to the verb or aorist stem, as in: 

naga' s n I say to him 72.9, cf. naga s he said to him 92.24 
sehe'n I shall roast it (44.6) ; future imperative odo' e V hunt for 
him! (116.7) 
Ordinarily forms involving the third personal object require a con- 
necting vowel between the stem and the pronominal suffix. Not all 
verbs, however, show the purely non-significant -a- of, e. g., t!omoma' s n, 
but have a to a large extent probably functional -i-. This -i- occurs 
first of all in all third personal object forms of verbs that have an 
instrumental prefix: 

ts!ayaga' £ n I shoot him (192.10), but wa-ts!ayagi /£ n I shoot (him) 

with it 
1-latslagiY you touched it 
§ 64 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 173 

The greater number of cases will probably be found to come under 
this head, so that the -i- may be conveniently termed instrumental 
-%-. Not all forms with -i~, by any means, can be explained, how- 
ever, as instrumental in force. A great many verbs, many of them 
characterized by the directive prefix al- (see § 36, 15), require an -i- 
as their regular connecting vowel : 

lagagi ,£ n I gave him to eat (30.12) 
ld a liwi f£ n I call him by name (116.17) 

lo u ginini' £ n I trap them for him (and most other roR-indirec- 
tives in -anan-) 

Examples of -i-verbs with indirect object are: 

ogoyi /£ n I give it to him 180.1 1 (contrast oyona ,£ n I gave it [180.20]) 
wd a giwi ,£ n I brought it to him (176.17) (contrast wa a ga' £ n I 
brought it [162.13]) 

A number of verbs have -a- in the aorist, but -i- in all other tense- 
modes : 

ytfmiya/tn I lend it to him, but yimi'hin I shall lend it to him 
naga' £ n I said to him (second -a- part of stem) 72.9, but na a gi'n 
I shall say to him; na a gi /£ ¥ say to him! (future) 196.20; naViY 
he said to him (inferential) 94.16; 170.9; 172.12 

The general significance of -i- seems not unlike that of the prefixed 
directive al-, though the application of the former element is very 
much wider; i. e., it refers to action directed toward some person or 
object distinctly outside the sphere of the subject. Hence the -i- is 
never found used together with the indirect reflexive -Ywa-, even 
though this suffix is accompanied by an instrumental prefix: 

xa a -'p!l i -nd ru ¥wa £ n I warm my own back (188.20) 
In a few cases the applicability of the action of the verb can be 
shifted from the sphere of the subject to that of another person or 
thing by a mere change of the connective -a- to -i-, without the 
added use of prefix or suffix: 

xa a -la/H!an I shall put it about my waist, but xa a -ld' a t!in I shall 
put it about his waist 

In the form of the third personal subject with third personal object 
of the aorist, the imperative with third personal object, and the 
inferential with third personal object, the -i- generally appears as a 
suffixed -M- (-%-) , incapable of causing umlaut : 

malagana 'nhi he told him 30.15, but malagini /£ n I told him (172.1) 
wa-t!omomhi he killed him with it 

§ 64 



174 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

i-k!u u manana'nhi he fixed it for him 
i-Tc!umana'rihi ^jl it for him! 

i-Jc!umana 'nhiV he fixed it for him (infer.), but l-k!umininini"nV 
he will fix it for him 

It should be noted, however, that many verbs with characteristic 
-i- either may or regularly do leave out the final -i : 

alx% fi ¥ he saw him 124.6, 8 (cf. al-xl fi gi e n I saw him, 188. II) 1 
i-lats!a y V he touched him (cf. i-lats!agi' £ n I touched him) 
~ba £ -i-ye e wa'n revive him! (15.2) (cf. ba £ -i-yewe e ni ,£ n I revived him) 
he £ -l-Jele f£ ¥ he let him go (13.6) (cf. he £ -i-le'lek!i £ n I let him go 

[50.4]) 
he £ -l-le'V £ Y let him go! 182.15 (cf. he^-le'Tklin I shall let him go) 
ba-i-di-t"ga' £ s£gd a s stick out your anus! 164.19; 166.6 (cf. 

ba-i-di-tgats!a't'gisi £ n I stuck out my anus [166.8]) 
i-Tc!u u mcfn he prepared it 190.22 (cf. i-lc!u u mini' £ n I prepared it) 

It must be confessed that it has not been found possible to find a 
simple rule that would enable one to tell whether an i-verb does or 
does not keep a final -hi (-%) . Certain verbs, even though without 
instrumental signification, show an -i- (or -hi-) in all forms with third 
personal object. Such are: 

aorist ogoy- give to (ogolhi he gave it to him 156.20) 
aorist we e t'-g- take away from (wefgi he took it from him, 16.13) 
aorist lagag- feed (laga'Vi he gave him to eat 30.12; laYi give 
him to eat! laVigana y Tc we seem to have given him to eat) 

and indirective verbs in -anan-. Irregularities of an unaccountable 
character occur. Thus we have : 

he e£ -iu he left him (cf. he^-tfwi^n I left him); but imperative 
he e£ -iwi'hi leave him! (not *-iwi y , as we might expect) 

In many cases the loss or retention of the final -hi seems directly 
connected with syntactic considerations. A large class of verbs with 
instrumental prefix (generally %-) drop the final -hi, presumably 
because the instrumentality is only indefinitely referred to (cf. § 
35, 1) . Examples of such have been given above. As soon, however, 
as the instrument is explicitly referred to, as when an instrumental 
noun is incorporated in or precedes the verb, the -hi is restored. 
Thus: 

i The -i- of these verbs regularly disappears, not only here but in every form in which the normal con- 
necting vowel -a- fails to appear in other verbs: al-xl' £ k' (inferential) he saw htm (*al-xtk!-k' like dnmk' he 
killed him), homonymous with al-xl' € k' (imperative) see him! (=*alxl'k!). As soon, however, as the 
verb becomes distinctly instrumental in force, the -i- is a constant element: al-wa-xi'k!ik' (inferential) he 

SAW IT WITH IT. 

§ 64 



BOAS] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 175 

la- e l-t"ba fa ¥ he burst it (cf. -fba' a gi £ n I burst it) 

i-s'wili's'wal he tore it to pieces (cf. -s'wili f s'wili e n I tore it to 

pieces) 
%-s'wi'ls'wal tear it to pieces! 
i-s°w% i h'wa < l he tore it (once) 
i-heme^m he wrestled with him 22. 10 (cf . -hememi' e n I wrestled 

with him 

despite the prefixed -%-; but: 

la-waya-tbaf a ¥i he burst it with a knife 

han-waya-s'wils'wa'lhi tear it through in pieces with a knife! 

(73.3) 

Similarly: 

ba-H-sga a ¥sga s ¥ he picked him up 31.11 (cf. -sga¥sgigi e n I picked 
him up) 
but: 

lc!a'md a dan ba a -sga a ¥sga f ¥i tongs rocks he-picked-them-up-with 
( = he picked up rocks with tongs) 170.17 

despite the lack of an instrumental prefix in the verb. Explicit in- 
strumentality, however, can hardly be the most fundamental func- 
tion of the -hi. It seems that whenever a transitive verb that 
primarily takes but one object is made to take a second (generally 
instrumental or indirective in character) the instrumental -i- (with 
retained -hi) is employed. Thus: 

ma'xla Jcluwu he threw dust 
but: 

ma'xla £ alk!uwuhi dust he-threw-it-at-him (perhaps best trans- 
lated as he-bethrew-him-with-dust) cf. 184.5 

where the logically direct object is ma'xla, while the logically indirect, 
perhaps grammatically direct, object is implied by the final -hi and 
the prefix al~. Similarly, in: 

¥o £ px bababa'fi wa a di'xda ashes he-clapped-them-over his-body 
(perhaps best rendered by : he-beclapped-his-body-with-ashes) 
182.9 

the logically direct obiect is ¥o £ px, the logically indirect object, his- 
body, seems to be implied by the -H. This interpretation of the -hi 
as being dependent upon the presence of two explicit objects is con- 
firmed by the fact that most, if not all, simple verbs that regularly 
retain it (such as give to, say to in non-aorist forms, bring to, 
verbs in -anan-) logically demand two objects. 

§ 64 



176 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

As soon as the verb ceases to be transitive (or passive) in form or 
when the third personal object is the personal -Vwa, the instrumental 
-i- disappears: 

gel-yala fa xaWgwi£ he forgot himself 77.10 (cf. gel-yala' a xaldi £ n I 

forgot him) 
ogollcwa, he gave it to him 96.18 (cf. ogoihi he gave it to him 188.12) 
It is possible that in weVgigwa he took it from him the -gi- is a 
peculiar suffix not compounded of petrified -g- (see § 42, 6) and 
instrumental -i-; contrast i-t!ana f M he held it with l-t!ana f Tiagwa 
he held him. Any ordinary transitive verb may lose its object 
and take a new instrumental object, whereupon the instrumental -i- 
becomes necessary. Examples of such insfrumentalized transitives 
are: 

ga'l £ wa-ts!ayagi f£ n bow I-with-shoot-it (cf . ts!ayaga' £ n I shoot him) 
wa- £ u u gwi t£ n I drink with it (cf . u u gwa /£ n I drink it) 
If, however, it is desired to keep the old object as well as the new 
instrumental object, a suffix -an- seems necessary. Thus: 
yap!a wa-sd a gimna' s people they-will-be-shot-with-it 
xl H wa- £ u u gwmi /£ n water I-drink-it- with-it 
It is not clear whether or not this -an- is related to either of the -cm- 
elements of -anan- (§ 50). 

A final -i is kept phonetically distinct in that it does not unite 
with a preceding f ortis, but allows the f ortis to be treated as a syllabic 
final, i. e., to become £ + aspirated surd: 

lie e£ -i-le'me £ lc'ihe killed them off, but -le'meJc!i e n I killed them off 
Forms without connective vowel whose stem ends in a vowel, and 
yet (as instrumentals or otherwise) require an -%-, simply insert this 
element (under proper phonetic conditions as -M-) before the modal 
and personal suffixes: 

wa-woo'Tiin I shall go to get it with it (contrast woo'n I shall go 

to get it) 
l-t!ana f Jii £ n I hold it; l-tlana'~k% he holds it 27.4 
di-s'al-yomo'liin I shall run behind and catch up with him; 
di-s-al-yomo'M catch up with him! (contrast yomo'n I shall 
catch up with him) 
wa-sana'Mnk* they will spear them with them 28.15 (verb-stem 
sana-) 
A constant -a- used to support a preceding consonant combination 
is, in -i- verbs, colored to -i- : 

%-lasgi s touch him! (cf. masga y put it! [104.8]) 
§ 65 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 



177 



It is remarkable that several verbs with instrumental vocalism lose 
the -i- and substitute the ordinary connective -a- in the frequentative. 
Such are: 

%-go'yok!\ £ n I nudge him; i-goyogiysi' £ n I keep pushing him 
d&4!&8i"n I crush it; dlHliyl' tliytfn I keep crushing them 
It can hardly be accidental that in both these cases the loss of the 
-i- is accompanied by the loss of a petrified consonant (-&/-, -#•). 

The following scheme of the instrumental forms of do u m- kill 
(third personal object) will best illustrate the phonetic behavior 
of -i- : 





Aorist 


Future 


Potential 


Inferential 


Present 
imperative 


Future 
imperative 


Singular: 














First person . . 


t!omomi' £ n 


doumi'n 


doumi' £ n 


domhiga' 






Second person . . 


t.'omomVt' 


<Z6«mida'« 


doumVf 


dtimhikleit' 


dorahi 


do7nhi*k' 


Third person . . 


t.'ombmhl 


ddumVnk' 


dSrahi 


ddmhik' 






Plural: 














First person . . 


i/077iomina v k' 


dowminaga'm 


doum ina'k* 


domhigana^k' 


ddmhiba* 




Second person . . 


t.'omomVt'-p' 


dowmi't'ba* 


<?6«mi v t'p' 


dSmhikleit'p' 


domhi-p' 





§ 65. Forms Without Connecting Vowel 
A considerable number of transitive verbs whose aorist stem ends 
in a long diphthong with rising pitch (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, 
or liquid) treat this diphthong as a vocalic unit, i. e., do not allow 
the second element of the diphthong to become semivocalic and thus 
capable of being followed by a connective -a- before the personal 
endings (cf. intransitive forms like el~t\ § 60). If such a long diph- 
thong is final, or precedes a consonant (like -£) that is itself incapable 
of entering into diphthongal combination with a preceding vowel, no 
difficulty arises. If, however, the long diphthong precedes an -n- 
(in such endings as - £ n, -n, -naV), which, as has been seen, is pho- 
netically on a line with the semivowels y (i) and w (u) , a long double 
diphthong (long vowel + semivowel, nasal, or liquid + n of time-value 
4) results. Such a diphthong can not be tolerated, but must be 
reduced to an ordinary long diphthong of time-value 3 by the loss of 
the second element (semivowel, nasal, or liquid) of the diphthong of 
the stem (see § 11). Thus the coexistence of such apparently contra- 
dictory forms as da a -yeMltf you go where there is singing and 
da a -yehen (with passive -n) it was gone where there was singing 
(from *yeMin) can be explained by a simple consideration of syllabic 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 12 § 65 



178 BUKEAU OF AMEKICAET ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

weight. The rising pitch-accent, it should be noted, is always pre- 
served as an integral element of the diphthong, even though a - e n 
follow, so that the first personal singular subject third personal 
object of such verbs (-v £ n) stands in sharp contrast to the corre- 
sponding form of the great mass of transitive verbs (-v^n). 1 The 
first person plural subject third person object and the third personal 
passive are always parallel in form to the first person singular sub- 
ject third person object in - £ n Qc!ada a na"¥ and Jcladan like Jc!ada £ ri). 
Examples of transitives with aorist stems ending in long diphthongs 
not followed by connective -a- are: 

fgwaxsi £ n I tattoo him : Pgwaxttf you tattoo him 

dl-t!ugu £ n I wear it : dl-tlugm he wears it 96.16 

da a -yehe £ n I go where there is : da a -ye7ielf you go where there 
singing is singing (106.10) 

dd a -yehen (third person pas- 
sive) 

da a -yehe e na y ¥ (first person 
plural) 

lc!ad& £ n I picked them up : Icfadhl he picked them up 

da-t!agsi £ n I built afire : da-t!agM he built a fire 88.12; 

96.17 

swad&n (passive) they got : swadhisa £ n they are gambling 
beaten in gambling with one another 

oyo £ n I give it (= *oyon £ ri) 
but also oyona' £ n with con- 
necting -a- 

lc!eme £ n I did it 74.13 : Ttfemhl he did it 92.22; 144.6; 

176.1, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 14 

In aorist Iclemei- make the -i-, actually or impliedly, appears only 
when the object is of the third person (singular first, lc!eme £ n; second, 
Iclemeif; third, Iclemei; plural first, Tc!eme e na y V; second, TcIemeU'p'); 
all other aoristic and all non-aoristic forms replace the -i- by a -n-: 

7c!emenxhi £ n I make you 27.9 

lc!emenxa £ n they make one another; future ~k!emna s nV he will 
make it 28.14 
A few reduplicated transitives ending, in both aorist and verb-stems, 
in a short diphthong (-al-, -am-, -an-, -aw-), lack a connective -a- 

ilt may be noted in passing that the Takelma reduction of an over-long diphthong (tin to c««) offers in 
some respects a remarkable parallel to the reduction of an Indo-Germanic longdiphthong to a simple long 
vowel before certain consonants, chiefly -m (e. g., Indo-Germanic *dieus = Skr. dyau's, Gk. Ze6g, with pre- 
served -u- because followed by -s, a consonant not capable of entering into diphthongal combination; but 
Indo-Germanic ace. *diem= Ved. Skr. dydm, Horn. Gk. Zfjv with lost -M-because followed by -m, a consonant 
capable of entering into diphthongal combination). I do not wish to imply, however, that the accent of 
forms like yehe £ n is, as in diem, the compensating result of contraction. 

§ 65 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



179 



before the personal endings, so that a loss of the final consonant 
(_^_ i _ m _ ? -n-^ - w .) takes place in third personal objective forms before 
a consonantal personal ending. Such verbs are: 



~keme'~ha £ n I mocked him ( = 

-7iam s ri) 
Imi'licfn I sent him ( = -am £ n) 
gel-liewe f Jia £ n 1 I think ( = -au £ n) 
gel-Jiewe'TiaV you think 
p!a-i-di £ -sgimi' 'sga £ n 2 1 set them 

in ground ( = -am £ ri) 
bd- £ al-mo'lo £ ma £ n I turned them 

over { = -al £ n) 
oa- £ al-mo f l £ man I shall turn 

them over ( = -din) 
sd a nsa' £ n I fight him ( = -an £ n) 



Jieme'ham he mocked him 

24.4, 5, 8; 182.6, 7 
imi'hamsin I was sent (43.2) 
gel-liewe'liau he thought 44.11 ; 

142.20 
pla-i-dtf-sgimi'sgam he set 

them in ground 
bd- £ al-mo'lo £ mal he turned 

them over (170.16) 



md a nma' £ n 
( = -an £ n) 



I count them 



sd a nsd"n he rights him (28.10) 

(but also sans, see § 40, 10b) 

da-md a nmini' £ n I count them 

up (156.14) (but also m<m = 

*manm he counted them 

78.8; 100.8) 

How explain the genesis of these two sets of contract verb forms, 

and how explain the existence of doublets like mo'lo £ ma £ n and mo'- 

lo £ mala £ n, mo'lo £ mat' and mo'lo £ malat\ oyo £ n and oyona f£ n, sd a nsa"n 

and sans? The most plausible explanation that can be offered is 

that originally the personal endings were added directly to the stem 

and that later a connecting -a- developed whenever the preceding 

consonant or the personal ending was not of a character to form a 

diphthong. Hence the original paradigms may have been : 

First person 

Second person 

Third person 

which were then leveled out to : 



oyo £ n 


mo'lo £ ma £ n 


oyonaY 


mo'lo £ malaY 


oyon 


mo f lo £ mal 


oyona f£ n 


mo'lo £ mala £ n 


oyonaH' 


mo r lo £ malaH K 


oyon 


mo'lo £ mal 



because of the analogy of a vast number of verbs with connecting 
-a- in both first and second persons, e. g., ts!ayaga /£ n, tsfayagaY. 
Forms like mo'lo £ mat\ sa a nsaY, would arise from leveling to the first 

JTliis verb is transitive only in form, intransitive in meaning. The true transitive (think of) employs 
the full stem liewehaw- with connective -i- for third personal object, and -s- for other objects: g el-hew e'hiwi s n 
I think of him; gel-hewe'hausdam you think of me. 

2 The form $gimi'sga £ n is interesting as a test case of these contract verb forms. The stem must be 
sgimisgam-; it can riot be sgimisg-, as sg- could hardly be treated as a repeated initial consonant. No ca 
are known of initial consonant clusters treated as phonetic units. 

§ 65 



180 



BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



person by the analogy of such forms as t!omoma' £ n, tfomomaY. The 
third person generally brings out the original diphthong, yet some- 
times the analogy set by the first person seems to be carried over to 
the third person (e. g., sans beside sa a nsa y ri), as well as to the third 
person passive and first person plural subject transitive. Such forms 
as oyo £ n are best considered as survivals of an older " athematic" type 
of forms, later put on the wane by the spread of the " thematic" 
type with connecting -a- (e. g., gayawa ,£ n, not *gaya £ n from *gayau £ n). 
Owing to the fact that the operation of phonetic laws gave rise to 
various paradigmatic irregularities in the "athematic" forms, these 
sank into the background. They are now represented by aorists of 
Type 2 verbs like naga'- £ n i say to him and wa-lc!oyd- £ n i go with 
him, 1 non-aorist forms of Type 5 verbs (e. g., odo'-ri), and such iso- 
lated irregularities as intransitive ei-£ and nagai-f (contrast yewey-aY 
and fagayaY) and transitive contract verbs like ~k!ada £ n and sa a nsa /£ n. 

§ 66. Passives 

Passives, which occur in Takelma texts with great frequency, must 
be looked upon as amplifications of transitive forms with third per- 
sonal subject. Every such transitive form may be converted into a 
passive by the omission of the transitive subject and the addition of 
elements characteristic of that voice; the pronominal object of the 
transitive becomes the logical, not formal, subject of the passive 
(passives, properly speaking, have no subject). The passive suffixes 
referred to are -(a)n for the aorist, ~{a)na £ for the future, and -am for 
the inferential. Imperatives were not obtained, nor is it certain that 
they exist. Following are the passive forms of do u m-, instrumental 
forms being put in parentheses : 





Aorist 


Future 


Potential 


Inferential 


Singular: 

First person 

Second person .... 
Third person 

Plural: 

First person 

Second person , . . . 


t.'umuxin 
t.'omoxbin 
V.omoma'n 
(t.'omomi'n) 

tfomoximin 
t.'omoxanban 


dumxina s 
domxbina* 
ddumana' e 
(doumma'e) 

dbmximma* 
domxanbana* 


dumxin 
domxbin 
douma'n 
(ddumi'n) 

domximm 
domxanban 


dumxigam 
domxbigam. 
domk'am 
(domhigam) 

domxamk' am 
domxanp'gam 



1 Some verbs whose aorist stem ends in a vowel take a constant -a- with preceding inorganic ft instead 
of adding the personal endings directly. Such a verb is l-t.'ana- hold; the constant -a- or -i- of forms 
like l-tlana'hagwa, l-t!ene'M-S'dam is perhaps due to the analogy of the instrumental -i- of forms like 
%-t!ana'h\-n. 

§ 66 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 181 

The connective -a-, it will be observed, is replaced by -i- when the 
formal object is the first person plural {-am-) ; compare the entirely 
analogous phenomenon in the second personal subjective first per- 
sonal plural objective forms of the transitive (§ 63). It is curious 
that the third person aorist of the passive can in every single case 
be mechanically formed with perfect safety by simply removing the 
catch from the first personal singular subjective third personal objec- 
tive of the transitive ; the falling accent (rising accent for verbs like 
Jc!eme £ ri) remains unchanged: 

i-t!a'ut!iwi £ n I caught him : %-tla' utliwin he was caught 29.12 
naga' £ nl said to him 72.7, 9 : naga'n he was spoken to 102.16 
~k!eme £ n I made it 74.13 : Jclemen it was made 13.12 178.12 

It is hardly possible that a genetic relation exists between the 
two forms, though a mechanical association is not psychologically 
incredible. 

Not only morphologically, but also syntactically, are passives 
closely related to transitive forms. It is the logical unexpressed sub- 
ject of a passive sentence, not the grammatical subject (logical and 
formal object), that is referred to by the reflexive possessive in -gwa 
(see.§§ 91, 92). Thus: 

diklolola'n £ga' a pdagwanwa^ he-was-dug-up their-own-horns (not 

his-own-horns) with (in other words, they dug him up with 

their own horns) 48.5 
There is no real way of expressing the agent of a passive construc- 
tion. The commonest method is to use a periphrasis with xebe' £ n 
he did so. Thus: 

el salklomo'lcHmin pHyin xebe' £ n canoe it-was-kicked-to-pieces 
deer they-did-so (in other words, the canoe was kicked to pieces 
by the deer) 114.5 

§ 67. VERBS OF MIXED CLASS, CLASS IV 
A fairly considerable number of verbs are made up of forms that 
belong partly to Class I or Class II intransitives, partly to the transi- 
tives. These may be conveniently grouped together as Class IV, but 
are again to be subdivided into three groups. A few instransitive 
verbs showing forms of both Class I and II have been already 
spoken of (pp. 162-3, 166). 

1. Probably the larger number is taken up by Type 13 verbs in 
-71-, all the forms of which are transitives except those with second 
person singular or plural subject. These latter are forms of Class 
II (i. e., aorist singular -dam, plural -dap'; future singular -da £ , plural 

§ 67 



182 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



-daba £ ) . The -n- appears only in the first person singular and plural 
(aorist -na £ n and -nanaW), yet its absence in the other persons may, 
though not probably, be due to a secondary loss induced by the pho- 
netic conditions. The forms, though in part morphologically transi- 
tive (and, for some of the verbs, apparently so in meaning), are in 
effect intransitive. The object, as far as the signification of the verb 
allows one to grant its existence, is always a pronominally unexpressed 
third person, and the instrumental -%- can not be used before the 
personal endings. Among these semitransitives in -n- are: 
[gwen-sgut!u'sga£n2L e ii I cut necks 

\gwen-sgut!u! sgaV he cut necks 144.2 (cf. transitive instrumentals 
1 gwen-waya-sgut!u'sgidi £ n, gwen-waya-sgut!u'sgafi 144.3) 
[da-bok!oba r Vn& £ Ti I make bubbles (or da-~b6klo r pntfn 102.22) 
ida-hoJdo'pd&m you make bubbles 
ha a -xada r xafn& £ n I hang them up in row 
tlobola'p na, £ n I used to pound them (57.14) (or loWlpnafn) 
uo&o'Z^dam you used to pound them 
{i-laya ,a Fnsb £ n I coil a basket 122.2 
\l-laya' a Y she coils a basket 
7c!ada'Jc!afn2b £ ii I used to pick them up (116.11) 
da-dagada'Vna, £ n I sharpen my teeth (126.18) 
ugu' £ a¥riEL £ n I always drink it 
wagao'Fntfn I always bring it 43.16; 45.6) 
Morphologically identical with these, yet with no trace of transitive 
signification, are: 

i-7iegwe f haY w n& £ n I am working 
ixa-'hege'haFiitfji I breathe (78.12; 79.1, 2, 4) 
\xa-7iulc!u'haViiei £ ii (third person xa-Tiuklu'liaY) 
\al-fwap!a r £wapn& £ rL I blink with my eyes 102.20 
\al-fwap!a'fwap*d&m you blink with your eyes 
The following forms of l-liegwehagw- (verb-stem l-~he € gwagw- [ = 
-Jie € gw'hagw-]) work will serve to illustrate the -n- formation: 





Aorist 


Future 


Inferential 


Present imperative 


Singular: 










1st per. 


hegwe'hak'wnatn 


heegwa'k'wnan 


heegwa''k'wa £ (=-kw'~ 
kV) 




2d per. 


hegwe'hak' wd&m 


heegwa'k'wda £ 


heegwa'klwei't' 


he'k'waak'w 


3d per. 


hegwe'hak'w 


[?] 


he egwa'k'™ 




Plural: 










1st per. 


hegwe'hak' wnana^k' 


he egwa'k' wnanagam 


he e^wa'k'wana^k* 


hegwa'k'waba s 


2d per. 


hegwe'hak' wdaj)' 


heegwa'k'wdaba* 


heegwa'kH r eit'j>' 


he'k'waagwa^np' 



2. Practically a sub-group of the preceding set of verbs is formed 
by a very few verbs that have their aorist like l-7iegwe'haV w na B n, 
§ 67 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



183 



but their non-aorist forms like Class II intransitives. They evidently 
waver between Class II, to which they seem properly to belong, and 
the semi-transitive -n- forms. Such are: 

di-Jc!ala'swi e Ji (but also : future dl-k!a f lside, e 

di-Jc!ala'sde £ ) I am lean 
in my rump 
di-ldola'sdum (second per- : future di-lda'lsidsi* 

son) 

gwel-sal-t!eyesnsi £ n I have : future-/ !elside e 
no flesh on my legs and 
feet 
It may be observed that the existence of a form like *gwel-sal-t!ei- 
sinan was denied, so that we are not here dealing with a mere mis- 
taken mixture of distinct, though in meaning identical, verbs. 

3. The most curious set of verbs belonging to Class IV is formed 
by a small number of intransitives, as far as signification is concerned, 
with a thoroughly transitive aorist, but with non-aorist forms 
belonging entirely to Class II. This is the only group of verbs in 
which a difference in tense is associated with a radical difference in 
class. Examples are: 



' dd a -sgek!iy&' £ n I listened 
dd a -sgelc!iysi y V you listened 
.da a -sgek!l he listened 102.8 
al-we'ldaltfii I shine 
al-we'lcIalsiV you shine 
aZ-we'fc/aZana^k' we shine 



al-geyano, f£ n I turn away 

my face 

' da-smayama,' £ n 1 T ... 
7 ~ 7 ' (I smile 

da-smayamh& £ w 



future dav-sge'ldit'ef 



future al-we'~k!alV& i 

future aZ-we'fc/aZp'igam (third 
person inferential al-we'- 
&/aZp'k') 

future al-ge'yandtf 

future da-sma-ima' 'sde e 



)da-smayam he smiles 
[da-smayamenie^k' we smile 
To these should probably be added also da-sgayana' £ n I lie down 
(3d da-sgayan) , though no future was obtained. Here again it may 
be noted that the existence of *da-sma-ima'n as a possible (and indeed 
to be expected) future of da-smayama r£ n was denied. 1 

i There are in Takelma also a number of logically intransitive verbs with transitive forms throughout 
all the tense-modes: al-xallyana y k' we are seated (56.2; 150.20); passive al-xallya'n people are seated 
152.18. Similar is sal-xogwl they stand; cf. also gel-hew e'Uau he thinks, p. 179, note 1. As these, how- 
ever, have nothing to mark them off morphologically from ordinary transitives, they give no occasion 
for special treatment. It is probable that in them the action is conceived of as directed toward some 
implied third personal object. 

§ 67 



184 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

5. Auxiliary and Subordinating Forms (§§ 68-72) 

§ 68. PERIPHRASTIC FUTURES 

Periphrastic future forms are brought about by prefixing to the 
third personal (unexpressed) objective forms of the aorist stem 
-gulug w - desire, intend the verb-stem (if transitive, with its appended 
pronominal object) of the verb whose future tense is desired. The 
pronominal subject of such a form is given by the transitive subject 
pronoun of the second element (-gulug w -) of the compound; while 
the object of the whole form, if the verb is transitive, is coincident 
with the incorporated pronominal object of the first element. The 
form of the verb-stem preceding the -gulug w - suffix is identical with 
the form it takes in the inferential. Thus: 

ba-i-liema'YulifY™ he will take it out (cf. inferential ba-i-Jie- 
ma y Y = -hemg-Y) , but imperative ba-i-Jie^mY 16.10 

but, without inorganic a: 

i-hemgulu y Y w he will wrestle with him (cf. inferential JiemY) 

Indeed, it is quite likely that the main verb is used in the inferential 

form, the -Y of the inferential amalgamating with the g- of -gulug w - 

to form g or Y. This seems to be proved by the form: 

loho'Y-di-gulugwaY do you intend to die? (di = interrogative par- 
ticle) 

Morphologically the verb-stem with its incorporated object must 
itself be considered as a verb-noun incorporated as a prefix in the 
verb -gulug w - and replacing the prefix gel- breast of gel-gulugwa' £ n 
i desire it 32.5, 6, 7. Alongside, e. g., of the ordinary future 
form do u ma'n i shall kill him may be used the periphrastic 
dd u m-gulugwa' £ n literally, i kill (him) -desire, intend. This latter 
form is not by any means a mere desiderative (i desire to kill 
him would be expressed by do u mia y gel-gulugwa /£ n [ = to-kill-him 
i-it-desire]), but a purely formal future. Similarly, dumxi-gulvSY" 
is used alongside of the simpler dumxinY he will kill me. As a 
matter of fact the third personal subjective future in -gulu s Y w is 
used about as frequently as the regular paradigmatic forms here- 
tofore given: 

yana'-Yulu y Y w he will go (128.9) 
sana'p-gulu y Y w he will fight (cf. 48.10) 

yomo'Ywagulu y Y w she was about to catch up with him 140.18 
alxi' £ xbi-gulu y Y w he will see you 
§ 68 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 185 

The reason is obvious. The normal futures (yana'H* he will go; 
sana'pda a ; alxi' e xbirik') imply a bald certainty, as it were, of the 
future action of a third person, a certainty that is not in ordinary 
life generally justifiable. The periphrastic forms, on the other hand, 
have a less rigid tone about them, and seem often to have a slight 
intentive force : he intends, is about to go. The difference between 
the two futures may perhaps be brought out by a comparison with 
the English i shall kill him ( = dd u ma f n) and i'm going to kill him 
(dd u m-gulugwa ,£ n) . 

Though a form like dumxi-gulu y ¥ w he will kill me is in a 
way analogous to s'in-l-lets!e f xi he touches my nose, the incor- 
porated object dumxi- kill-me of the former being parallel to 
s'in- nose of the latter, there is an important difference between 
the two in that the object of the periphrastic future is always asso- 
ciated with the logically (do u m-), not formally (-gulug w -), main verb. 
This difference may be graphically expressed as follows: he-[kill- 
me]-intends-it, but he-[ nose-hand] -touches-me; strict analogy 
with the latter form would require *dd u m-gulu'xi he-[ kill]-intends- 
me, a type of form that is not found. It is not necessary to give a 
paradigm of periphrastic future forms, as any desired form can be 
readily constructed from what has already been said. The incorpo- 
rated pronominal object is always independent of the subject-suffix, so 
that you will kill me, for example, is rendered by dumxi-gulugwaY , 
the ordinary you — me forms (singular -dam, plural -dap') finding no 
place here. 

Inasmuch as all active periphrastic futures are transitive in form, 
passive futures of the same type (all ending in -gulugwa'n) can be 
formed from all verbs, whether transitive or intransitive. When 
formed from transitive stems, these forms are equivalent to the 
normal future passives in -(a)na £ : 

do u m-gulugwa f n he will, is about to, is going to be killed 
dumxi-gulugwa' 'n I am to be killed, it is intended to kill me 

As the intransitive stem in the periphrastic future is never accom- 
panied by pronominal affixes, there is only one passive future form 
that can be constructed from an intransitive verb. This form 
always refers to the third person, generally to the intended or immi- 
nent action of a group of people : 

lioida-gulugwa'n (verb-stem Ttoid- + inorganic -a-) there will be 
dancing 

§ 68 



186 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

ld u -gulugwa'n people are going to play (literally, it is play- 
intended) 

The passive future in -gulugwa'n can also be used with the indefinite 
form in -iau- : 

sana'xiniau-gulugwa'n it is intended, about to be that people 
fight one another ; there will be fighting 

The extreme of abstract expression seems to be reached in such not 
uncommon forms as : 

we' e giau-gulugwa'n it was going to be daylight (literally, it was 
being-daylight intended) 48.13 
As the suffixed pronominal objects of reciprocal forms are intran- 
sitive in character, the first element of a periphrastic future of the 
reciprocal must show an incorporated intransitive pronoun, but of 
aorist, not future form : 

i-di-lasgi'xanfp"-gulugwaYp K are you going to touch one another? 
(aorist i-lats!a'xan£p K ; future l-lasgi' 'xanfba s ) 

§ 69. PERIPHRASTIC PHRASES IN na{g)- do, act 

The verbal base naig) 1 (intransitive na-; transitive na a g-) has 
hitherto been translated as say (intransitive), say to (transitive). 
This, however, is only a specialized meaning of the constantly 
recurring base, its more general signification being do, act, be in 
motion indefinitely. It is really never used alone, but is regularly 
accompanied by some preceding word or phrase with which it is 
connected in a periphrastic construction; the na(g)- form playing 
the part of an auxiliary. As a verb of saying, na(g)- is regularly 
preceded by a quotation, or else some word or phrase, generally a 
demonstrative pronoun, grammatically summarizing the quotation. 
Properly speaking, then, a sentence like i shall go, he said (to me) 
( = yana'£e e [ga] naga' i£ [or nege's'i]) is rendered in Takelma by i 
shall go (that) he did (or he did to me), in which the quotation 
yana'fe* i shall go, or else its representative ga that, is incorpo- 
rated as prefix in the general verb of action. 

The most interesting point in connection with periphrastic phrases 
in na(g)- is the use of a number of invariable, generally monosyl- 
labic, verbal bases as incorporated prefixes. The main idea, logic- 
ally speaking, of the phrase is expressed in the prefix, the na(g)- 

1 Most of its forms, as far as known, are listed, for convenience of reference, in Appendix A, pp. 286-90. 
It will be seen to be irregular in several respects. Examples of its forms are to be found in great number 
in " Takelma Texts." 

§ 69 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 187 

element serving merely to give it grammatical form. This usage 
is identical with that so frequently employed in Chinookan dia- 
lects, where significant uninflected particles are joined into peri- 
phrastic constructions with some form of the verb-stem -x- do, make, 
become (e. g., Wasco Iglu'b itciux he cut it [literally, cut he-it- 
made]), except that in Takelma the particles are identical with the 
bases of normally formed verbs. It is not known how many such 
verb-particles there are, or even whether they are at all numerous. 
The few examples obtained are : 

na £ do (cf. na't'e e I shall say, do) 

s'as' come to a stand (cf. s'as'inl he stands 144.14) 

s'il paddle canoe (cf. ei-ba-i-s'ili'xgwa he landed with his canoe 

13.5) 
fgel £ fall, drop 

ts'lel rattle (cf. ts'ele' £ m it rattles 102.13) 
t'ho fu x make a racket (cf. £bo' u xde £ I make a noise) 
liwa' a look (cf. liwila'ufe* I looked [60.7]) 
le'yas lame (cf. gwel-le'ye e sde £ I am lame) 
p*i'was jumping lightly (cf. piwits!ana ,£ n I make it bounce) 
we'~k!alV shining (cf. al-we r ~k!ala £ n I shine) 
sgala'uV look moving one's head to side (cf. al-sgalawi'n I shall 

look at him moving my head to side) 

The last two are evidently representatives of a whole class of quasi- 
adverbial -F-derivatives from verb-stems, and, though syntactically 
similar to the rest, hardly belong to them morphologically. The -lc 
of these invariable verb-derivatives can hardly be identified with 
the inferential -F, as it is treated differently. Thus: 

we f lc!al-¥ shining 126.3; 128.14, but inferential al-we'lcldl-p-Y 
(Class IV, 3) he shone 

Most frequently employed of those listed is na £ , which is in all 
probability nothing but the base na- do, to forms of which it is itself 
prefixed; its function is to make of the base na(g)- a pure verb of 
action or motion in contradistinction to the use of the latter as a verb 
of saying : 

ga-nalc*i say that to him! 55.8, but ga-na £ nak'i do that to him! 
182.4; 184.4 

ga-naga' i£ he said that' 72.12, but ga-na £ naga' i£ he did that 58.3 

gwalf a-na £ na f£ t K the wind will blow as it is blowing now (liter- 
ally, wmdigwalf] this [a-]-do [na £ ]-&ct- will [na' £ f]) (152.8) 

ga-na £ ne x x thus, in that way (literally, that do-acting, doing) 71.6; 
110.21; but ga-ne^x that saying, to say that 184.10 

§ 69 



188 BUKEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Examples of the other elements are : 

ei-s'i'l-naga H£ x he paddled his canoe (literally, he canoe-paddle- 
did) 13.5 

s'as'-naga' is he ca,me to a stand 22.6; 31.14, 15; 55.12; 96.23 

s'as'-na a gi'n I shall bring him to a halt (literally, I shall s'as-- 
do to him) 

liwa' a -nagaife £ I looked (55.6; 78.10, 13; 79.5) 

fge'l £ -nagaife £ I fell, dropped down 

fgel £ naga £ na' a£ F he always fell down 62.8 

tsle'l naga H£ (bones) rattled (literally, they did ts!el) 79,8 

fbo' u x naga K they made a racket so as to be heard by them 192.9 

we f ]c!al¥-naga /i£ he shines 

sgala f uY-nagana! a£ V he looked continually moving his head from 
side to side 144.14, 17 

gwelxda a le'yas-na s V his leg was laming 160.17 

pi'was-naga' i£ he jumped up lightly 48.8 

Syntactically analogous to these are the frequent examples of post- 
positions (see § 96), adverbs, and local phrases prefixed to forms of 
the undefined verb of action na(g)-, the exact sense in which the lat- 
ter is to be taken being determined by the particular circumstances 
of the locution. Examples are: 

gada'F-naga' i£ they passed over it (literally, thereon they did) 

190.21 
ganau-nagana f£ ¥ he went from one (trap) to another (literally, 

therein he kept doing) 78.5 
Tiawi-naFi tell him to wait! (literally, still do to him!) 
Jiagwa a la y m (in the road) -naga' i£ (he did) ( = he traveled in the 

road) 
7iaxiya y (in the water) -naga' i£ ( = he went by water) 
daV-s'ini fi da (over his nose) -nabd' a£ Jia y n (let us do) (= let us 

[flock of crows] pass over him!) 144.11 
da r ¥da a da (over him) -na y " (do!) (= pass over him!) 
da¥-yawade (over my ribs) -naga' i£ ( =he passed by me) 
ge (there) -naga' i£ (= they passed there) 144.18 
~he e£ -wila! mxa-hi (beyond Mount Wila'mxa) -na¥ w (do having it!) 

(= proceed with it to beyond Mount WuVmxa!) 196.14 

These examples serve to indicate, at the same time, that the particles 
above mentioned stand in an adverbial relation to the na(g)- form: 

s'as'-naga ,i£ he come-to-a-stand-did, like ge naga' i£ he there-did 
Compare the similar parallelism in Wasco of: 

l s-il has been found as a prefix also in the comitative ei-s-il-ydangwa' £ ni come in a canoe (literally, 

I-CANOE-PADDLIN G-GO-HAVING). 

§ 69 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 189 

Iclwa'c gali'xux afraid he-made-himself (= he became afraid) (see 

"Wishram Texts/' 152.9) 
Tcwo'la gali'xux there he-made-himself ( = he got to be there, 
came there) 
Here may also be mentioned the use of verb-stems prefixed to the 
forms of Iclemn- make and na a g- say to. Such locutions are causa- 
tive in signification, but probably differ from formal causatives in 
that the activity of the subject is more clearly defined. Examples 
are: 

wede wo s ¥ JdemnaY do not let him arrive! (literally, not arrive 

make-him!) 
wo K ¥ Tcfemana'nxi let me come! (literally, arrive make-me!) 
gwel-lels Iclemna'n I shall make him lame (literally, be-lame 

I-shall-make-him) 
yana naVi let him go (literally, go say-to-him) 

The forms involving Jclemen- are quite similar morphologically to 
periphrastic futures in -gulug w -, the main point of difference being 
that, while h f emen- occurs as independent verb, -gulug w - is never 
found without a prefix. The forms involving na a g- are probably best 
considered as consisting of an imperative followed by a quotative 
verb form. Thus yana naVi is perhaps best rendered as "go! " say 
it to him! The form 7ioida-yo'¥ya £ s (hoid- dance + connective -a-) 
one who knows how to dance suggests that similar compound 
verbs can be formed from yoVy- know. 

§ 70. SUBORDINATING FORMS 

A number of syntactic suffixes are found in Takelma, which, when 
appended to a verbal form, serve to give it a subordinate or depend- 
ent value. Such subordinate forms bear a temporal, causal, condi- 
tional, or relative relation to the main verb of the sentence, but are 
often best translated simply as participles. Four such subordinating 
suffixes have been found: 

-da £ (-fa e ), serving to subordinate the active forms of the aorist. 

-ma e , subordinating those of the passive aorist. 

-na £ , subordinating all inferential forms in -Jc\ Periphrastic infer- 
ential forms in elf and elf jf are treated like aorists, the form-giving 
elements of such periphrases being indeed nothing but the second 
person singular and plural aorist of ei- be. 

-¥i e (-gi £ ), appended directly to the non-aorist stem, forming 
dependent clauses of unfulfilled action, its most frequent use being 

§ 70 



190 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the formation of conditions. Before examples are given of subordi- 
nate constructions, a few remarks on the subordinate forms themselves 
will be in place. 

The aoristic -da £ - forms of an intransitive verb like hog w - run are: 
Singular : 





Independent 


Subordinate 


First person . . 


ho'Fde £ I run 


~ho'Fde e da £ when I ran, 
I running 


Second person . 


JidgwaY 


7idgwada' £ 


Third person 


M £ F 


U'Fda* 


Plural: 






First person . . 


JiogwVF 


liogwiga'm 


Second person . 


hogwaYp' 


hdgwa'tfba £ 


Impersonal . . . 


Jiogwia' u£ 


liogwia' -uda £ 



Of these forms, that of the first person plural in -a'm is identical, 
as far as the suffix is concerned, with the future form of the cor- 
responding person and number. The example given above Qio- 
gwiga'm) was found used quite analogously to the more transpa- 
rently subordinate forms of the other persons (alxi H xam liogwiga'm 
he saw us run, like alxl H xi hd'Fde e da £ he saw me run) ; the form of 
the stem is all that keeps apart the future and the subordinate aorist 
of the first person plural (thus liogwiga'm we shall run with short o) . 
No form in -i'Fda £ , such as might perhaps be expected, was found. 
The catch of the first and third person singular of class I verbs dis- 
appears before the -da £ (see § 22). The falling accent of the stem, 
however, remains, and the quantity of the stressed vowel is length- 
ened unless followed by a diphthong-forming element. Thus: 

ya' a da £ when he went 58.8 (ya' £ he went 96.8); cf. 188.17 
ba-i-Fiyl ri F da £ when he came (ba-i-Jc!iyi /£ F he came 156.24) 
yawa'ida £ as they were talking 130.13 (yawa' i£ they talked) 
xebe'nda £ when he did so 142.10 (xebe' £ n he did so 118.14) 

The subordinate form of the third person aorist of class II intransi- 
tives ends in -fa £ if the immediately preceding vowel has a rising 
accent. Thus: 

s'as'inifa £ when he stood (s'as'inl he stood 120.12) 
lop!ot'a £ when it rained (lop!o y f it rained 90.1) 

In the second person singular the personal -f and the -d- of the 
subordinating suffix amalgamate to -d-. The subordinate second per- 
son plural in -t* ba £ is not improbably simply formed on the analogy 
of the corresponding singular form in -da £ , the normal difference 
§ 70 



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HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



191 



between the singular and plural of the second person consisting 
simply of the added -b- (-£>') of the latter; similarly, e-ida' £ when 
thou art and eifba £ when ye are. Judging by the analogy of the 
subordinates of transitive forms in -dam and -dap" the subordinate 
forms of the second persons of class II intransitives end in -fa £ (-da £ ) 
and -faba £ (-daba £ ) : 

s'as'inifa £ when you stood (s'as'inltfam you stood) 
s'as'inltba £ when ye stood (s'as'inifaft ye stood) 

Note the ambiguity of the form s'as'ini£a s when he or you stood; 
compare the similar ambiguity in naga'-ida £ when he said and 
naga-ida' £ when you said 130.14; 132.23. 

The transitive subordinates of the aorist are also characterized by 
a suffixed -da £ , except that forms with a third personal subject 
invariably substitute -(a)na' £ (-ina' £ with first person plural object), 
and that the personal endings -dam (thou — me) and -daft (ye — me) 
become simply -da £ and -daba £ respectively. The latter forms are 
thus distinguished from non-subordinate futures merely by the 
aoristic stem (al-xl n xda £ when you saw me, but al-xl' £ xda £ you 
will see me). Analogously to what we have seen to take place 
in the intransitive, -t % yf becomes -t*ba £ . The subordinate aorists of 
tlomom- kill are: * 





Objective 


Subjective 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singular: 
1st per. 

2d per. 

3d per. 

Plural: 

1st per. 

2d per. 


t!iimuxda £ 
(t.'umuxdam) 

t!umuxina s 
(tMmuxi) 

t.'umtixdaba 3 
(t.'umuxdap') 


t.'omb'xbinda 1 
(t!omoxbi s n) 

t!omoxbina s 
(tlomoxbi) 

t.'omoxbinagam 
(t.'omoxbinak) 


t!omoma'nda s 
(t!omoma' s n) 

t!omomada' s 
(tlomomaH') 

t!omomana' s 
{tfomom) 

tlomomanaga'm 
(t.'omomana^k') 

t!omoma't'ba s 
(t.'omomaH'p') 


t!omoximida e 
(tlombximif) 

t!omoximina £ 
(t.'omoxam) 

t!omoximit'ba s 
(t.'omoximit'p') 


t!omoxanbanda £ 
(t!omdxanba*n) 

t!omoxanbana £ 
(t/omoxanp') 

Homoxanbanagam 
(t.'omoxanbanak') 



The forms with first personal plural subject (-na y ¥) and second 
personal object were not obtained, but the corresponding forms in 
-iga'm (first person plural intransitive) and -anaga'm (first person 
plural subject third person object) leave no doubt as to their cor- 
rectness. These forms differ from ordinary futures of the same 



i The corresponding non-subordinate forms are given in parentheses. 



§ 70 



192 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

number and person only in the use of the aorist stem. Only very 
few examples of subordinate -anaga'm have been found : 

aga'M ligigwanaga' m just- these which- we-brought-home 134.18; 

contrast Itfgwanaga'm we shall bring them home 
yewe xebe e yagwanaga' m if we should slay him (literally, perhaps that- 

we-slay-him) 136.23 ; contrast xe e hagwanaga' 'm we shall slay him 

The use of the aorist stem in the subordinate, it will be observed, is 
also the only characteristic that serves to keep distinct the third 
personal subjective subordinates and the future forms of the passive: 
al-xi fi xbina £ when he saw you, but al-xl' £ xbina £ you will be seen 
It may be noted that the third personal subjective aorist forms of 
the transitive may be mechanically formed, like the passives of the 
same tense, from the first person singular subject third person object 
aorist by merely dropping the glottal catch of the latter form and 
adding -a £ . Thus: 

gel-7iewe'7iana £ when he thought 45.2; 142.10, 13, 16 (cf. gel- 
Jiewe r Tia £ n I thought); but gel-Tiewe'Tiau he thought 44.11 

The subordinate of the form with personal object -Ywa is formed by 
adding -na s : 

malaYwana £ when he told him 72.14 (malaWwa he told him 142.4) 
The aorist passive subordinates cause no trouble whatever, the 
characteristic -ma £ being in every case simply appended to the final 
-n of the passive form: 

t!omoma'nma £ when he was killed 146.22 (from tlomoma'n he was 

killed 148.3) 
t!omoxanhanma £ when you (plural) were killed 

The complete subordinate inferential paradigm is rather motley in 
appearance; -na £ is suffixed to the third personal subject in -Y: 

p!aYna £ when he bathed 
la~ba!Yna £ when he carried it 126.5 
galYna £ when he ate it 
dumxiYna £ when he killed me 

The first person singular in -Ya £ (n) becomes -Yanda £ ; the first 
person plural subordinate was not obtained, but doubtless has 
-Yanaga'm as ending. The subordinate of the passive in -Yam is 
regularly formed by the addition of -na £ : 

gaiYamna £ when it was eaten 
domxamY amna £ when we were killed 
§ 70 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 193 

The periphrastic forms in elf and elfp* become -V + eida /£ and 
eit"ba £ in the subordinate; e. g., wa a ~Kl i mt K ~kl eida' £ when you 
answeked him. The active inferential subordinates of do u m- with 
third personal object thus are: 

Singular : 

First person, domVanda £ 

Second person, do u mk!eida f£ 
Plural: 

First person, domVanaga'm 

Second person, dd u mJc!etfba £ 

Third person, domJc*na e ; personal, dom¥wak x na £ 
Impersonal do u miau¥na £ 

The subordinating element -na £ also makes a subordinate clause out 
of a -t* participle (see §76): 

gwi na'Vna? ga £ a'ldi naga'n how-he-looked (gwi naY how-look- 
ing) that all he-was-called 60.5; (cf. 78.3) 
yapla ga na't K na £ that number of people 110.15 

Also adjectives and local phrases may be turned into subordinate 
clauses by the suffixing of -na £ : 

xilam-na' £ when she was sick 188.10 

aga do u ¥ gwelda-na' £ this log under-it when ( = while he was under 
this log) 190.20 

Examples will now be given of constructions illustrating the use 
of subordinate forms. It is artificial, from a rigidly native point of 
view, to speak of causal, temporal, relative, and other uses of the 
subordinate; yet an arrangement of Takelma examples from the 
view-point of English syntax has the advantage of bringing out 
more clearly the range of possibility in the use of subordinates. 
The subordinate clause may be directly attached to the rest of the 
sentence, or, if its temporal, causal, or other significance needs to 
be clearly brought out, it may be introduced by a relative adverb 
or pronoun (where, when, how, who). Both constructions are 
sometimes possible; e. g., a sentence like i do not know who killed 
him may be rendered either by not i-it-know who he-him-killing 
or not i-whom-know he-him-killing. Subordinate constructions 
with causal signification are: 

ts'lolx (1) vfs'i (2) t!umuxda £ (3) give me (2) dentalia (l),for you 

have struck me (3) (cf. 15.8) 
a'ni £ (1) gel-gulu'xi (2) gayawa'nda 8 (3) he does not (1) like me 

(2), because I ate it (3) 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 13 § 70 



194 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

guxde £ (1) gayawana /£ (2) goyo s (3) yap! a (4) ald% (5) 7ie s -fc 
leme'1c!itf (6) you killed off (6) all (5) the people (4), because 
shamans (3) ate (2) your wife (1) 146.11 

a'ni* (1) ya' £ (2) gl l (3) me £ -wo u Fde e da £ (4) ga £ a K l (5) he did not 

(1) go (2), because I (3) came (4); ga £ a y l (on account of, for) 
is employed to render preceding subordinate unambiguously 
causal 

a'ni £ (1) s'in-lio'Vwal (2) yu'Vna £ (3) ga (4) ga £ al (5) sb%n £ a (6) 
xa'm-hi (7) lapV (8) not (1) being (3) nose-holed (2), for 
(5) that (4) (reason) Beaver (6) got to be (8) under water (7) 
166.18 
A temporal signification is found in : 

lia a£ -yewe H£ (1) aldil (2) t!omoma'nma £ (3) they all (2) returned 

far off (1), after (many of them) had been slain (3) 146.22 
goyo (1) gel-lohoigwa'nma £ (2) when shamans (1) are avenged 

(2) 148.2 

~ba-i-k!iyi' £ V (1) pirn (2) gayawa f nda £ (3) he came (1) when I 

was eating (3) salmon (2) 
al-x% H gi £ n (1) gwi £ ne (2) ya! a da £ (3) I saw him (1) when (2) he 
went (3) 
Relative clauses of one kind and another, including indirect ques- 
tions, are illustrated in : 

a!nl £ (1) neV (2) yokloya' £ n (3) lege'xina £ (4) I do not (1) 

know (3) who (2) gave me to eat (4) (literally, not I-whom- 

know he-giving-me-to-eat) 
yok!oya ,£ n (1) neY (2) laga'ximina £ (3) I know (1) who (2) 

gave us to eat (3) 
man (1) mi'xal (2) Jia-loJid u nana /£ (3) he counted (1) how 

many (2) he had trapped (3) 100.8 
a'n% £ (1) yoklol (2) gwi (3) giniyagwa'nma £ (4) he did not (1) 

know (2) where (3) she had been taken to (4) 13.12 
ga'lii (1) duY (2) dl-t!ugul (3) wa-Jc!ododi'nma £ (4) they wore 
(3) the same (1) garments (2) with which they had been 

buried (4) 96.16 
gl l (1) na £ nagai£e e da £ (2) na £ na f£ ¥ (3) do (future imperative) (3) 

what I (1) am doing (2) 
%-Ywe' e xi (1) ulum (2) walVanda 5 (3) they awoke me (1) who 

(or while, when I) before (2) was sleeping (3) 74.5; 75.6 

Purpose may be implied by the subordinate in: 

pirn (1) gayawana f£ (2) laga'Vi (3) he gave them (3) salmon 
(1) to eat (2) 30.11 
The subordinate serves very frequently as a clause of indirect dis- 
course after such verbs as know, see, discover. With a regular 
§ 70 



boas]" HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 195 

verb of saying, such as na(g)~, it is nearly always necessary to report 
the exact words of the speaker. 

al-xi fi gi e n (1) xebeyigi'Vwana £ (2) I saw him (1) hurt him (2) 
yok!oya r£ n (1) pirn (2) gal¥na £ (3) I know (1) that he has 

been eating (3) salmon (2) (literally, I-know-him salmon he- 

having-eaten) 
al-xl' l xi (1) t!omoxanbanda £ (2) he saw me (1) strike you (pi.) (2) 
al-xl fi gi £ n (1) dal-yewe'ida e (2) I saw him (1) run away (2) 

Not infrequently an adverb is to be considered the main predicate, 
particularly when supported by the unanalyzable but probably 
verbal form wala' £ si(na £ ), while the main verb follows as a subordi- 
nate clause. Compare such English turns as it is here that i saw 
him, instead of here i saw him : 

eme £ (1) wala ,£ si (2) eife e da £ (3) I am (3) right (2) here (1) 

(literally, here it-is really [ ? ] that-I-am) 
eme £ (1) wala ,£ si (2) eida' s (3) you are (3) right (2) here (1) 
ml 1 (1) wala' £ si (2) l-lclumanana'rihiVna? (3) he had already 

fixed it for him (literally, already (1) it-was-really (2) that- 

he-had-fixed-it-f or-him (3) ) 

Examples of subordidates depending on predicatively used adverbs 
without wala f£ si are: 

a/nl £ (1) wana (2) eme £ (3) ne'ida £ (4) [it is] not (1) even (2) here 
(3) that they did (4) (probably = even they did not get here) 
61.3 
liop!e' £ n (1) p!a' a s (2) M y s (3) lop!ofa £ (4) it used to snow long 

ago (long ago [1] that snow [2] almost [3] stormed [4]) 
all (1) ~ke £ -%-leme'ldinda £ (2) [it is] right here (1) that I destroy 
them (2) 108.20 
An example of a subordinate depending on a demonstrative pro- 
noun is: 

i'daga (1) yapla (2) s'as'inifa £ (3) that man is standing (literally, 
[it is] that [1] man [2] that is standing [3]) 
The form wala /£ sina £ is in all probability a third personal aorist 
transitive subordinate form in -na £ , as is shown by its use as a sub- 
stantive verb for the third person when following an adverb, appar- 
ently to supply the lack of a third person in the regular substantive 
verb ei-: 

eme £ (1) wala £ sina £ (2) a'Tcla (3) he (3) is right (2) here (1) 

(literally, something like: [it is] here that-it-really-is he) 
ge (1) wala f£ s'ina £ (2) he is over there (literally, [it is] there [1] 
that-he-really-is [2]) 

§ 70 



196 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Most astonishing is the use of wala' £ s'ina £ as a modal prefix of a 
subordinate verb (of the movable class treated above, see § 34) to 
assert the truth of an action in the manner of our English did in 
sentences like he did go. Thus, from daV-da-lialsbi he answered 
you, is formed the emphatic da¥-da-wala ,£ sina £ -Jialsbina £ he did 
answer you. The only analysis of this form that seems possible 
is to consider the verbal prefixes dale -da- as a predicative adverb upon 
which wala f£ sina £ is syntactically dependent, the main verb -halsbina £ 
itself depending as a subordinate clause on its modal prefix. The 
fact that daV-da- has as good as no concrete independent existence as 
adverb, but is idiomatically used with the verbal base hal- to make 
up the idea of answer, is really no reason for rejecting this analysis, 
strange as it may appear, for the mere grammatical form of a sen- 
tence need have no immediate connection with its logical dismem- 
berment. The above form might be literally translated as (it is) 

ABOVE (ddV-) WITH-HIS-MOUTH (da-) THAT-IT-REALLY-IS THAT-HE- 

ANSWERED-YOU. 

§ 71. CONDITIONALS 

Conditionals differ from other subordinate forms in that they are 
derived, not from the full verb-form with its subject-affix, but, if 
intransitive, directly from the verb-stem; if transitive, from the verb- 
stem with incorporated pronominal object. In other words, the con- 
ditional suffix -¥i £ (-gi £ ) is added to the same phonetic verbal units 
as appear in the inferential before the characteristic -k\ and in the 
periphrastic future before the second element -gulug w -. The phonetic 
and to some extent psychologic similarity between the inferential 
(e. g., dumxiV he evidently struck me) and the conditional (e. g., 
dumxigi £ if he strikes, had struck me) makes it not improbable 
that the latter is a derivative in -i £ of the third personal subjective 
form in -F of the latter. The conditional, differing again from other 
subordinates in this respect, shows no variation for pronominal sub- 
jects, the first and second personal subjective forms being periphras- 
tically expressed by the addition to the conditional of the third per- 
sonal subjective of the appropriate forms of ei- be. From verb-stem 
yana- go, for example, are derived: 

Singular : 

First person, yana'Vi £ eitfe £ 
Second person, yana'Yi £ elf 
Third person, yana'Yi £ 
§ 71 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 197 

Plural: 

First person, yana'Yi £ e e bW 

Second person, yana'Vi £ eifp* 
Impersonal: yanayauk r i £ 

The conditional is used not merely, as its name implies, to express 
the protasis of a condition, but as the general subordinate form of 
unrealized activity ; as such it may often be translated as a temporal 
or relative clause, an introductory adverb or relative pronoun serving 
to give it the desired shade of meaning. Examples of its use other 
than as a conditional, in the strict sense of the word, are: 

yok!oya' £ n (1) nek* (2) laxbigi £ (3) I know (1) who (2) will give 

you to eat (3) 
dewe'nxa (1) al-xi'le!in (2) gwi £ ne (3) yana'Vi £ (4) I shall see him (2) 

to-morrow (1), when (3) he goes (4) 
al-xi' £ xinV (1) gwi £ ne (2) yana'¥i £ elfe £ (3) he will see me (1) 

when (2) I go (3) 
gwen-£gd a -lo'Fdanda (1) ts'!o' u t!igi £ (2) ya! a (3) he £ ne (4) ya' a (5) 

xe e ~bagwa'n (6) just (3) Hvhen they touch (2) the eastern 

extremity of the earth (1), just (5) then (4) I shall destroy 

them (6) 144.15 

It has a comparative signification (as though) in: 

fh* (1) de-gv!~k!alxgi £ (2) na £ naga' i£ (3) it was (3) as though fire* 
(1) were glowing (2) 142.1 

Conditional sentences are of two types : 

(1) Simple, referring to action of which, though unfulfilled, there 
yet remains the possibility of fulfillment. 

(2) Contrary to fact, the hypothetical activity being beyond the 
possibility of fulfillment. 

Both types of condition require the conditional form in the protasis, 
but differ in the apodosis. The apodosis of a simple conditional sen- 
tence contains always a future form (or inferential, if the apodosis is 
negative) , that of a contrary-to-fact condition, a potential. Examples 
of simple conditions are: 

ga (1) na £ na¥i £ elf (2) ~haxada' £ (3) if you do (2) that (1), you'll 

get burnt (3) 
aV (1) yana'Yi* (2) gi* (3) 7iono £ (4) yana'fe* (5) if he (1) goes (2), 

I (3) go (5) too (4) 
wede (1) yana'Yi £ (2) gl l (3) Jiono £ (4) wede (5) yana f Ya £ (6) if he 

does not (1) go (2), I (3) won't (5) go (6) either (4) 
gwalf (1) mahai (2) wo'Yi* (3) ga (4) na a gi f£ ¥ (5) if a great (2) 

wind (1) arrives (3), say (5) that! (4) 196.19 

1 Just when = as soon as. 

§ 71 



198 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The apodosis of such conditions is sometimes introduced by the de- 
monstrative pronoun ga that, which may be rendered in such cases 
by then/ in that case: 

aga (1) xa a -sgo' u sgi £ (2) ga (3) loho't % e e (4) if this (1) string parts 
(2), in that case (3) I shall be dead (4) 59.10, (11) 

Of this type are also all general conditions referring to customary 
action that is to take place in time to come, such as are often intro- 
duced in English by words like whenever, wherever, and so on. 1 
Examples of such general conditions are : 

wi'lau (1) Tc!emniyau¥i £ (2) wa-fba' a gamdina £ (3) whenever peo- 
ple will make (2) arrows (1), they (arrows) will be backed 
(literally, tied) with it (3) (with sinew) 28.2 

wa a di fi (1) du (2) ba-i-gina¥wi £ 2 (3) goyo s (4) ~ke £ ne (5) do u - 
mana ,£ (6) whenever a shaman (4) goes out with 3 (3) one 
whose body (1) is good (2), then (5) he shall be slain (6) 146.6 

goyo (1) gel-lohogwiau¥i £ (2) 7ie £ ne (3) ya' a s-% £ (4) yap la (5) 
gama'xdi (6) ple /£ f (7) whenever one takes vengeance for (2) 
a shaman (1), just (4) then (3) ordinary (6) people (5) will 
lie (7) (i. e., be slain) 146.8 

wede (1) hono £ (2) ne y ¥ (3) a\-xl' £ ¥wa¥ (4) yap! a (5) loho'¥i £ (6) 
no (1) one (3) will see him (4) again (2), when a person (5) 
dies (6) 98.10 

gana £ ne"x (1) yo'H K (2) yap la (3) gai¥i £ (4) thus (1) it shall be (2) 
as people (3) grow, multiply (4) 146.15 

Examples of contrary-to-fact conditions are: 

aldl (1) yu¥ya'¥% £ eife £ (2) mala'xbi £ n (3) if I knew (2) all (1), 

I should tell it to you (3) 162.5 
ne¥ (1) yo'¥i £ (2) da¥-llmxgwa £ (3) if it were (2) anyone else (1), 

it (tree) would have fallen on him (3) 108.11, 13 
%'daga (1) ge (2) yu'¥i £ (3) wede (4) do u ma /£ n (5) if that one (1) 

had been (3) there (2) , I should not (4) have killed him (5) 
gl l (1) ge (2) yu'¥i £ eU'e £ (3) ho u (4) yana ,£ (5) haga" (6) if I (1) 

were (3) there (2), he would have gone (5) in that event (4) 

In the last example, haga y is a demonstrative adverb serving to 
summarize the protasis, being about equivalent to our in that event, 
under those circumstances. This word may be the adverbialized 

1 General conditions, however, that apply to past time, or that have application without reference to 
time-limit, are constructed by the use of the subordinate for the protasis, and aorist for the apodosis, both 
verbs being, if possible, frequentative or continuative in form : ts- Hxi (1) k'ewe' ek'awalda* (2) he-ne (3) yap.'a 
(4) al-t!ayalk' (5) whenever the dog (1) barked (2), then (3) he found (5) a person (4). 

2 = -ginak'w + -k'i s . 

3 Causes the death of. 

§ 71 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 199 

form of the demonstrative pronoun lia' £ ga that one; it is used also 
with persons other than the third : 

yana , £e £ Tiagcf I should have gone in that event 

§ 72. USES OF POTENTIAL AND INFERENTIAL 

The potential and inferential modes differ from the aorist in the 
negative particle with which they may be combined. An indicative 
non-future statement, such as is expressed by the aoris # t, is negatived, 
without change of the verb-form, by means of the negative adverb 
a'ni £ : 

ydnfe £ I went; a'nl £ yanfe £ I did not go 

An imperative or future form, however, can not be directly negatived, 
but must be expressed by the potential and inferential respectively, 
the non-aoristic negative adverb wede being prefixed. Thus we have: 

Negative future: 

yana' £ £ he will go : wede yana y ¥ he will not go 

yanada' £ you will go : wede yana'lcleif you will not go 

yana'fe 6 1 shall go : wede yana f ¥a £ I shall not go 

domxbin I shall kill you : wede domxbiga £ I shall not kill 

178.15 you (cf. 178.15) 

dd u mcfnV he will kill him : wede (1) ne'V (2) yap!a (3) 

gama'xdi (4) do u m¥ (5) no 
(1) one (2) will slay (5) a 
person (3) who is no shaman 
(4) 146.16 
Negative imperative: 

yancf go! (sing.) : wede yanaY do not go! 

yana y np* go! (pi.) : wede yanaYp' do not go! (156.9) 

do u m kill him! : wede do u maY do not kill him! 

ga na £ na s do that ! : wede ga na £ naY do not do that ! 

The particle wede is used with the inferential and potential, not 
only to form the negative future and imperative, but in all cases in 
which these modes are negatived, e. g., wede do u ma' £ n i should not 
have killed him, i would not kill him. There is thus no morpho- 
logic distinction between a prohibitive do not go ! and a second person 
subject negative apodosis of a contrary-to-fact condition, you would 
not have gone. It is probably not a mere accident that the negative 
particle wede is phonetically identical with the verb-stem wede- take 
away. This plausible etymology of wede suggests that the origin of 

§ 72 



200 BUREAU OF AMERICAN" ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

the negative future and imperative constructions lies in such peri- 
phrastic sentences as : 

Remove (all thought from your mind) that I (inferentially) go 

(i. e., I shall not go) 
Remove (all thought from your mind) that you might, would 

go (i. e., do not go!) 

The inferential, as we have seen above (see § 59), is used primarily 
to indicate that the action is not directly known through personal 
experience. An excellent example of how such a shade of meaning 
can be imparted even to a form of the first person singular was given 
in §70; s' £ V-Ywe fe xi ulum waiYanda 5 they woke me up while i 
was sleeping! 74.5 In the myth from which this sentence is taken, 
Coyote is represented as suffering death in the attempt to carry out 
one of his foolish pranks. Ants, however, sting him back into life; 
whereupon Coyote, instead of being duly grateful, angrily exclaims 
as above, assuming, to save his self-esteem, that he has really only 
been taking an intentional nap. The inferential form waiYanda £ 
is used in preference to the matter-of-fact aorist wayanfe e da £ I 
sleeping, because of the implied inference, i wasn't dead, after all, 

ELSE HOW COULD THEY WAKE ME? I WAS REALLY SLEEPING, MUST 

have been sleeping. Closely akin to this primary use of the 
inferential is its frequent use in rhetorical questions of anger, sur- 
prise, wonder, and discovery of fact after ignorance of it for some 
time. Examples from the myths, where the context gives them 
the necessary psychological setting, are: 

geme f£ di (1) gi* (2) wayauxagwaf (3) yu'Ya £ (4) how (1) should 

I (2) be (4) daughter-in-lawed (3) (i. e., how do I come to have 

any daugher-in-law ?) 56.10 I didn't know that you, my son, 

were married! 
gl l (1) di" (2) 7ia'mi £ fban (3) do u mYa £ (4) did I (1) kill (4) your 

father (3) ? (2) 158.2 
s'-gwi dl' (1) le'mkHauY (2) where (1) have they all gone (2), 

any way? 90.25, 27 says Coyote, looking in vain for help 
o+(l) ml* (2) di' (3) s'amgicfuY (4) Oh! (1) has it gotten to 

be summer (4) already (2) ? (3) says Coyote, after a winter's 

sleep in a tree-trunk 92.9 
ga (1) di' (2) xepY (3) go, (4) di' (5) gu u xde'Y (6) galY (7) 

so it is those (1) that did it (3) ? (2) those (4) that ate (7) 

my wife (6) ? (5) 142.18 

is- e - merely marks the Coyote (see footnote, § 2). 

§ 72 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 201 

e'me £ (1) daba' £ x (2) di (3) £ el £ a (4) yu'F (5) are (5) canoes (4) 
(to be found) only (2) here (1) ? (3) 114.7 (i. e., why do you 
bother me about ferrying you across, when there are plenty of 
canoes elsewhere?) 

ga (1) di' (2) p!a' a nf (3) gai¥a £ (4) so that (1) was their 
livers (3) that I ate (4) ? (2) 120.14 says Grizzly Bear, who 
imagined she had eaten not her children's, but Black Bear's 
children's, livers, on discovering her mistake 

A peculiar Takelma idiom is the interrogative use of gwl £ ne when, 
how long followed by wede and the inferential, to denote a series of 
repetitions or an unbroken continuity of action. Examples are : 

gwl £ ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) walV (4) he kept on sleeping 

(literally, when [1] did he not [ 3] sleep [ 4] ?[2]) 142.11; 152.24 
gwi £ ne' (1) di (2) wede (3) h(fV (4) he ran and ran (literally, 

how long [1] did he not [3] run [4] ? [2]) 78.14. 
gwi £ ne (1) di' (2) wede (3) dak" am (4) he kept on being found, 

they always stumbled upon him again (literally, when[l] was 

he not [3] found [4] ?[2]) 110.15 

Similar psychologically is the non-negative future in: 

ge'me £ di (1) Jiono £ (2) al-da a gVn¥ (3) they never found him 
again (lit., when [1] will they find him [3] again? [2]) 190.25 

6. Nominal and Adjectival Derivatives (§§ 73-83) 

§ 73. INTRODUCTORY 

Although such derivatives from the verb-stem as infinitives and 
nouns of agency should logically be treated under the denominating 
rather than the predicative forms of speech, they are in Takelma, as 
in most other languages, so closely connected as regards morphology 
with the latter, that it is much more convenient to treat them imme- 
diately after the predicative verb-forms. The number of nominal 
and adjectival forms derived from the Takelma verb-stem is not 
very large, comprising infinitives or verbal nouns of action, active 
and passive participles, nouns of agency, and a few other forms whose 
function is somewhat less transparent. The use made of them, how- 
ever, is rather considerable, and they not infrequently play an 
important part in the expression of subordinate verbal ideas. 

§ 74. INFINITIVES 

Infinitives, or, as they are perhaps better termed, verbal nouns, 
may be formed from all verbs by the addition of certain suffixes to 
the stem or stem + pronominal object, if the verb form is transitive. 

§ 73-74 



202 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Inasmuch as infinitives, being nothing but nouns in form, may take 
possessive affixes, forms may easily result that combine a transitive 
object and a possessive pronoun; e. g., domxbiyafY my (-fY scheme 
in § 92) killing you (-hi-), for me to kill you (cf. yexbiyaxdeY 
my biting you 116.9; -x-deY scheme n § 92). The classification of 
verbs into classes is reflected also in the infinitive forms, each of the 
three main classes being distinguished by a special infinitive suffix. 
The suffixes are: 

Intransitive I -(a y )x. 

Intransitive II -Ywa (-gwa). 

Transitive -ia (-yd) . 

The peculiar sub-classes that were grouped together as Class IV 
all form their infinitives in -Ywa (-gwa). Besides these three main 
suffixes, -(d) epx- (-apx-) with possessive suffixes is employed to form 
infinitives from reflexives in -gwi-, while active intransitives in -sea- 
form their infinitives by employing the bare stem-form with verbal 
derivative -xa. Infinitives in -xa'Ywa also occur. The infinitive 
often shows the stem in a purer form than the non-aorist finite 
forms; in particular the non-aoristic -p- of Class II intransitive verbs 
regularly disappears before the -gwa of the infinitive. 

Examples of infinitives are : 

1 . From Class I intransitives : 

waixde* your sleeping yandex to go 

ba a -dawi s x to fly up Jioida K x to dance 

Jiogwa^x to run lo u x to play 31.7 

t!e e wa y x to play shinny na £ ne y x doing 94.10; 72.4; 

148.13 
nelx saying 108.16; 184.10 gina y x to go (176.8) (from sim- 

ple base gin-; contrast third 
person future ging-a'H*) 

Stems ending in long diphthongs either take -x or -ax. Thus we 
have either 7ia-yeu-x-da a da or ~ha-ye e w-dx-da a da in their 

RETURNING 124.15. 

2. From Class II intransitives: 

Ywa /a£ xgwa to wake up (in- tgelxgwa to run around, roll 

transitive) 
geiwa'lxgwa to eat oa-i-di'n e xgwa to march 

laYwa to become s-ds'anYwa to stand 

p I dial 'Ywa to tell a myth sand Ywa to fight 

§ 74 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



203 



3. From Class IV verbs: 

%-he e gwa f ¥wa ( = -lie e g w ~hag' 



Fwa) to work 



4. From -xa- verbs : 

lu f£ xwa y ( = luk!-xa?) to trap 

5. From reflexives : 

fgwd a xa r nfgwidepxdagwa to 

tattoo himself 
lu' £ xagwan£gwiapxde^F to trap 

for myself 



al-we f ~k!aWwa to shine 
da-bo £ ¥ba'xgwa to bubble 
under water (observe verb- 
suffix -x- of infinitive; but 
da-bok!oba'Vna £ n I make 
bubbles) 

pe'lxa to go to war (but also 
pelxa'Vwa 1 ) 

se e la r mfgwidepxde¥ to paint 

myself 
Jian-se e gwa , nfgwiapxdeV to 

paddle myself across 



From non-reflexive verbs are derived 



ga-iwiapxde^V my eating 

6. From transitives : 

plala'xbiya to tell you a myth 



wuxiapxda a his coming to get 
me 

i-gaxga' 'xgwia to scratch one's 
self 
\i-Fwd /a ~k!wia to wake him i-gi's-gis'ia 2 to tickle him 

\i-Ywe f e£ xiya to wake me (164.20) wayanagwicf to run after him 
dd a -agania y to hear about it lo u gwia y to play with it 

wa £ -i-ddxia to gather them domVwia 3 to kill him 

The syntactical usage of verbal nouns of action is illustrated in the 
following examples: 

Jiuli'n¥wafV ~k!emncfnV he will make me tired (literally, my- 
tiredness he-will-make-it) 

t!omoxd a da wiyina f£ n I help him kill (literally, his-killing [ no ob- 
ject] I- aid-it) 

Tio'gwax gel-gulugwa /£ n I like to run (lit., running I-like-it) (196.8) 

a'nl £ yokldl nexde^V he does not know what I said (literally, not 
he-knows-it my-saying) 

xi- £ ugwia ga £ a y l in order to drink water (literally, water-drinking 
for) 

ba-i-k!iyi' £ V al-xi' £ xbiya ga £ a% he came to see you (literally, he- 
came seeing-you for) 

i Infinitives in -k'wa seem sometimes to be formed from other Class I intransitives, e. g., wisma'k'wa 
to move; haxa'k'wda to burn (also haxa'xgwaa). 

1 Umlauted from H-gi's-ga-ria. 

3 -k'wi- here represents objective -k'wa- umlauted by infinitive ending -{y)a (see § 8). Similarly s-umt'ia 
to boil it 170.16 from -t'aya. 

I 70 



204 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The normal method of expressing purpose, as the last two examples 
show, is by the use of an infinitive followed by the general locative 
postposition ga £ a y l to, at. tor. The infinitive, as its inclusion of the 
object shows, preserves its verbal character almost completely, and 
may itself govern another infinitive : 

7c!emnia s al~we , Jc!al¥wd a to make it shine (literally, to-make-it 
its-shining) 

Not a few infinitives have become more or less specialized as 
regular nouns, though it is extremely doubtful if the transparently 
verbal origin of such nouns is ever lost sight of. Such nouns are : 

plala'Fwa myth 50.4; 172.17 ts'!ipna y x speech, oration (cf. 

ts'H'pnan I shall make a 
speech to them [146.11]) 

fge e mfga'mxgwa darkness sana'Ywa fight, battle 

gina y x passage-way 176.9 ts'!e e ma s x noise (cf. da a -ts!em- 

xde £ I hear a big noise 90.21) 

ye'l £ sgwix sweat (cf. ye'l £ sgwade e 
I shall sweat [140.1]) 

PARTICIPLES (§§ 75-78) 
§ 75. General Remarks 

Participles are either active or passive, and may be formed with 
considerable freedom from all verbs. They have not been found with 
incorporated pronominal objects, the active participles being more 
adjectival than verbal in character, while the passives naturally hardly 
allow of their incorporation. The passive participle is often provided 
with possessive affixes that correspond to the transitive subjects of 
the finite verb; the active participle, on the other hand, undergoes 
no modification for person, but, like any adjective, is brought in con- 
nection with a particular person by the forms of the copula ei- be. 

§ 76. Active Participle in -f 

This participle is formed by simply appending a -t\ one of the 
characteristic adjectival suffixes, to the verb-stem. Inferential and 
imperative -jf- of Class II intransitives disappears before this ele- 
ment (e. g., se'nsantf whooping), but not the non-aoristic -p*~, which 
is characteristic (see § 42, 1) of some of the verbs of the same class; 
e. g., sancfp* fight t ng (from *sana y p*f). Participles in -f never 
denote particular action, but regularly indicate that the action predi- 

§ 75-76 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 205 

cated of a person is one that in a way marks him off from others, and 
that may serve as a characteristic attribute. Not infrequently, there- 
fore, a -f- participle has the value of a noun of agency; the fact, how- 
ever, that it never appears with pronominal elements, but is always 
treated as an adjective, demonstrates its attributive, non-substantival 
character. It is possible to use it with a preceding nominal object, 
so that sentences may result that seem to predicate a single act 
definitely placed in time ; yet an attributive shade of meaning always 
remains. For example, wiliin domf eife s (literally, my-mothee hav- 
ing-killed i-am) and wiliin t!omoma f£ n both mean I killed my 
mother, but with a difference. The latter sentence simply states 
the fact, the emphasis being on the act itself; the former sentence, 
on the other hand, centers in the description of the subject as a matri- 
cide, i am one who has killed his mother. The latter sentence 
might be a reply to a query like what did you do? the former, to 
who are you? 
Examples of -f participles are : 

(gwi-na y V how constituted, of what kind? (gwi- [how, where] 
+ naY [from no- do, act]) 14.4, 9, 10; 15.6 
ga-ncfV of that kind, so in appearance 63.12; 192.7 
wunt K ~k!eme e n I make him old (cf. wununfe 5 1 grow old) 
fgd a JiaxaY burnt field (not passive, but really = field that has 

at one time burned) 92.29 
JtelV eife £ I know how to sing (literally, singing I am) 
yap!a lolidnV eife s I have killed (many) people (literally, people 

causing [ or having caused]-to-die I am) 
lohoY having died, dead 148.13 
Tiawa' x-xiwi\' (it is) rotting 
xuda'mt* elfe e I am whistler 

ni'xa yi K lt K having copulated with his mother (insulting epithet 
applied to Coyote) 86.5, 6, 16 

Examples of participles with lost -f have been given above (see 

§ 18). 

§ 77. Passive Participle in -{a)k'w t -M'w 

Nominal participial forms in -F w of passive signification can be freely 
formed from all transitive verb-stems, the stem invariably undergoing 
palatalization (see § 31). The suffix -Y w ordinarily requires a pre- 
ceding connective -a- replaced, as usual, by an instrumental -i- in 
such passive participles as are derived from verb-forms themselves 
provided with -i-. Participles in -ale"* tend to be accented on the 

§ 77 



206 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

syllable immediately preceding the suffix, in which case an inorganic 
-h- generally appears before the -a-; -7ia¥ w is also regularly used. with 
preceding fortis (see § 19). It is not unlikely that the suffix is organ- 
ically -7ia¥ w , the -Jia- implying continuity (see § 43, 5). Instrumental 
passives in -i¥ w , on the other hand, are generally accented, with raised 
pitch, on the -i- of the suffix. For example, dumlia¥ w (always) 

KILLED or STRUCK PERSON, but Wa-du u mV¥ w THING WITH WHICH ONE 

kills (literally, killed- with thing). Inasmuch as -¥ w - participles, 
differing in this respect from active participles in -f, are distinctly nom- 
inal in character, they may be provided with possessive suffixes; e. g., 
dumha¥ w -de¥ my struck one. Forms thus arise which, like -f -par- 
ticiples supplemented by forms of ei- be, have independent predicative 
force. What we have seen to apply to -f -participles, however, in 
regard to particularity of action, applies with equal if not greater force 
to predicatively used passives in -¥ w . While a sentence like I'daga 
tlomoma'n (dom¥am) that one was slain, with finite passive, 
implies the fulfillment of a single act, a sentence whose predicate is 
supplied by a passive participle (like I'daga dumha¥ w that one is 
[regularly] slain, struck) necessarily refers to habitual or regularly 
continued activity: I'daga dumha¥ w de s ¥ that one is my (regu- 
larly) struck one thus approaches in signification the finite 
frequentative I'daga t!omo'arnda e n that one i (always) strike, 
but differs radically in signification from both i'daga t!omoma' £ n 
i killed that one and i'daga domf elfe £ i am one that has killed 

THAT ONE. 

Examples of -¥ w - participles are: 

gwen-sgu' u£ f ok' w (those) with their necks cut off (21.2, 4, 5) 
xa-l-sgl' 4£ p'sgibik" w (bodies) cut in two 21.2; 22.3 
(ml 4 ) gela'p'ak' w x something which is (already) twisted 
guhak* w na £ ne y x like something planted, sown 
wa £ -l-duxik' w de¥ I have been gathering them (literally, my 

gathered ones) 
dal £ -wa-pu't!ik* v (manzanita) mixed with (sugar-pine nuts) 178.5 
fan fgwll gufdk' w da a squirrel has been burying (go u d~) hazel- 
nuts (literally, squirrel hazel-nuts [ are] his-buried-ones) 2 
se¥ak' w de^¥ I (always) shoot (sa a g-) him (literally, my shot one) 
mlla'sliak tw de¥ I love her (literally, my loved one) 

1 Cf. galdba' e n I twist it; -a'- above is inorganic, hence unpalatalized to -e-. 

2 t'gwil (hazel-nuts) is the grammatical subject; gut'ok'wdaa predicates the subject; fan (squtbeel) is 
outside the main core of the sentence, being merely in apposition with the incorporated -daa (his) of the 
nominal predicate. 

§ 77 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 207 

As the last example shows, the indirective -s- of verbs with indirect 
object is preserved in -ha¥ w participles (contrast mllaH K -¥ he loved 
her [inferential]). 

Participles of instrumental signification in -V¥ w are freely employed 
to make up instrumental nouns, such as names of implements. 
Examples are: 

do u ¥-sgu' u t!i¥ w log-cut- with ( = saw) 

se e l-wa-se e la r mdi¥ w black paint (writing) - therewith - painted 

(written) ( = pencil) 
l-smi'lsmiliV w (thing) swung ( = swing) 
du¥ w -wa-sgu f H!i¥ w dress-therewith-cut ( = scissors) 
~k!wal-ba a -sge¥sgigi¥ w grass-up-pitched-with ( = pitchfork) 
yap!a-wa-do u mV¥ w people-therewith-killed, e. g., arrow, gun 
da £ ma/xau al £ -wa-xi /i lc!i¥ v ' far therewith-seen, e. g., telescope 
mulmili y ¥ w something to stir (mush) up with 

It is interesting to note that forms in -¥ w may be formed from 
the third person possessive of nouns, chiefly terms of relationship. 
These are shown by the palatalized form of the stem to be morpholog- 
ically identical with passive participles in -F w . Examples are: 

Noun Participle 

ts'lele'i his eye 86.7, 9 ts'!ele'ik' w eye-having 27.9 

ni'xa his mother 17.11 ; 126.7 ni'xak^ he has a mother 
ma'xa his father 17.12; 126.6 me'xak.' w he has a father 
¥aHa' p%~k IVhis woman (178.8) ¥e ie le'pik!ik fw he has a wife 

142.6 
tllHa'pikfl 1 her husband 46.1 t!i ie le'p%Jc!ik. Kyr she has a hus- 
band 

Such forms in -¥ w may well be compared to English adjectives of 
participial form in -ed; e. g., left-handed, four-cornered. They 
may be further adjectivalized by the addition of -af (see below, 
§ 108); e. g., me'xagwaf father-having. 

§ 78. Passive Participles in -xap* {-sap 1 ) 

Less common than passive participles in -(a)¥ w are certain forms 
in -xap {-sap), which, like the former, show a palatalized form of 
the stem, and seem to be identical in function with them. Like 
-Y w - participles, again, they may be provided with possessive pro- 
nominal suffixes, though these belong to another scheme of endings : 

gel-gula'¥a¥ w -de'¥ my liked one, I like him { = gel-gula'xab-af¥) 
gel-gula f ¥a¥ w -da they like him { = gel-gula r xap) 

$ 78 



208 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Forms in -xap K are in particular use as names of articles of clothing. 
Examples are: 

gwen-wi' i£ x&])' handkerchief, neckerchief 188.5 (cf. gwen-wi H lc!an 

I shall wind it about my neck) 
daY-w%' i£ x&$ something wound about one's head 
m a -Z<?' e£ sap' (--=-t!-xap K ) belt (cf. xd a -ld' a t!an I shall put it about 

my waist) 
gwen-plixsup' pillow (cf. gwen-pUVwan I shall lie on pillow) 
Tia-lu'^xa,])' shirt (cf. 7ia-ld' u Jc! w in I shall put on shirt) 
lia-ya-u-t K ge'n £ s&^ ( = -ts!-xap*) vest (cf. Jia-ya-u-fge'nts!an I shall 

put it about my middle, ribs) 
sge' e£ x2iip' man's hat 

NOUNS OF AGENCY (§§ 79-82) 
§ 79. Introductory- 
Four suffixes have been found that are employed to form nouns 
of agency from verb-stems, - £ s, -sd a , -si 1 , and -xi. The first of these 
is more strictly verbal in character than the other three, being capable, 
unlike these, of incorporating the pronominal object. -sd a and -si 1 , 
probably genetically related suffixes, are used apparently only with 
intransitive stems (including, however, such as are partly transitive 
in form, i. e., that belong to Class IV). - £ s and -xi are used with both 
transitive and intransitive stems. 

§ 80. Nouns of Agency in -(a / ) ff s 

This suffix is used to form agentives with more freedom than the 
others seem to be. The ending - £ s is added directly to the verb-stem, 
with connective -a!- (instrumental -i-) if phonetically necessary. No 
examples have been found of agentives in - £ s from intransitives of 
Class II. Examples are (49.4; 60.10) : 

7ioida /£ s dancer hdpxi-fd a ga' £ s child-crier ( = 

cry-baby) 
Jie e la /£ s singer xufma ,£ s whistler 

p!d a ga ,£ s bather ¥aiwi /£ wa £ -i-doxi £ s one who 

gathers everything 
yd a da' £ s swimmer xuma-k!emna f£ s food - maker 

( = cook) 54.4 
ts!a-uya' £ s fast runner 138.2 domxbi £ s one who kills you 

ei-sa a gwa ,£ s canoe paddler mala'ximi £ s one who tells us 

The last two examples show incorporated pronominal objects; the 
first personal plural object -am- is, as usual, followed by the connec- 

S 79-80 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 209 

tive -%-. The strongly verbal coloring of the agentive in - £ s is perhaps 
best indicated by its employment as a final clause. Examples of 
this use are: 

bar-i-Jc!iyi'Vde e al-xi H£ xbi £ s I came to see you (literally, as one- 

seeing-you) 
me £ -gini ,£ Y al-xi H£ xi £ s he came to see me 

hoida /£ s di me £ -ginigaY did you come to dance? (i. e., as dancer) 
a'ni £ me s -gini'Vde £ lo u£ s m I did not come to play, as player 31.6 
(cf. § 74 for another method of expressing this idea) 

§ 81. Nouns of Agency in -s7 i , -saa 

These, as already observed, are less distinctly verbal in force than 
the preceding. Some verbs have agentives in both - £ s and -sd a ; e. g., 
7ie e la /£ s and Mlsd a singer. Not infrequently there is a distinct feel- 
ing of disparagement in a -sd a - agentive as compared with one in - £ s; 
e. g., 7iog w a /£ s good runner, but lio'Vsd a one who always runs 
(because of fear). Both of these suffixes are added directly to the 
stem without connecting vowel. If stressed, they have the falling 
accent. -sd a is the regular agentive ending of Class II intransitives; 
-f- is or is not retained before it under the same conditions as in 
the case of the participial -f (see § 76). 

Further examples of agentives in -si 1 and -sd a are : 

i-1ie e gwa/V w sl i worker 

da-losi liar (but non-disparaging lo u£ s player) 

u ,i£ s'i l ( = u' i£ s'-s'i l ) 7c!eme £ n I make him laugh (literally, laugher) 
jal-fwd^Twa'p'si 1 blinker 
1 al-fwd a pH'wa'p i ssi a ' 

xd a -wisii a go-between (settler of feud) 178.11 

dd a -p!iya wisa, a one going, dancing by side of fire ( = medicine- 
man) 

yims'h^ ( = yims'-s'd' a ) dreamer ( = medicine-man) 

wafsa a big sleeper 

eseussL 11 big sneezer 

s^nsansa, 9 - one knowing how to whoop 

sana'psa, 3 - one knowing how to fight 

s'a's*ansaL a one always standing 

s*u' e aZsa a one always sitting 

notsladam 7/u r sa a e e hi¥ we are neighbors (literally, neighboring- 
to-us being [ stem yu-] we-are) 

t!obaga r s8L a - ( = -a's-sd a ) eif you are always lying like dead 

A few nouns in -stf, in which an agentive meaning can not well 
be detected, nevertheless doubtless belong here: lo u si s plaything 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 14 § 81 



210 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

(110.6,11) (cf. verb-stem lo u - play); less evidently, le e psi s feather 
28.2; ala'lcsl 1 his tail (86.21, 23) 

§ 82. Nouns of Agency in -xi 

Only a few verbal derivatives in -xi have been obtained. They are : 

al-huyuxi (= -x-xi) hunter 

ye e x? needle, awl (literally [ ?], biter [cf. verb-stem ye e g w - bite]) 

122.8 
gel-dula'xi 1 elVe £ I am lazy, one who is lazy 
gel-he' i£ xi stingy (cf. verb-stem he i£ x- be left over) 
s-umxi" paddle stirrer (cf. s'u^m-fa- boil) (170.16) 
el fgelxi 1 wagon (literally, canoe one-that-rolls) 

§ 83. FORMS IN -i'ya 
Two or three isolated verb-forms in -i'ya 1 have been found that 
appear to be of a passive participial character. There are not enough 
such forms available, however, to enable one to form an idea of their 
function. The few examples are: 

fga a (1) haxani'ya, (2) ml 1 (3) al-tlaya>¥ (4) then (3) he dis- 
covered (4) a burnt-down (2) field (1) 92.26 
yapla (1) do u mi'ysb (2) £ al-tlayalc (3) he discovered (3) killed 
(2) people (1) 
Both of these forms in -i'ya, it will be observed, are derived from 
transitive stems (haxani'ya from causative haxa-n- cause to burn, 
burn) , and would seem to be best interpreted as attributive passives 
corresponding to the attributive actives in -t\ To these forms 
belongs probably also : 

dtf-he'liya, (1) wa-iwl' 1 (2) girl (2) who sleeps on a raised board 
platform (1) (literally, perhaps, up-boarded girl [cf. he e la?m 
board]) 13.2 

II. The Noun (§§ 84-102) 

§ 84. Introductory 

Despite the double-faced character of some of the nominal deriva- 
tives of the verb-stem (e. g., the passive participles), there is formally 
in Takelma a sharp line of demarcation between denominating and 
predicative elements of speech. This is evidenced partly by the 
distinct sets of pronominal suffixes peculiar to noun and verb, partly 
by certain nominal elements appearing before the possessive affixes 
and serving, perhaps, to distinctly substantivize the stem. Only a 

i Not to be confused with transitive infinitives in -za\ 

§ 83-84 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 211 

small number of stems have been found that can, without the aid of 
nominal (or verbal) derivative elements, be used as both nouns and 
verbs. Such are: 

Noun Verb 

se fe l black paint, writing se e l-a'md-a s n I paint it 

lie' e l song 106.7; (164.16) Ml sing! (170.12) 

liw-a fa naga' i£ he looked (per- liwila' u-t' e £ I looked (152.17) 

haps = his-look he-did) 55.6 (imperative liu 14.11 ; [60.2]) 

du¥ w shirt 96.16 di-du¥ w wear it! (55.9; 96.16) 

tlilH gambling-sticks in grass- tlu'ltlal-siniba* let us gamble 

game at grass-game 31.9 

xle /eS p* dough-like mass of i-xlep!e'xlil)-i £ n I mash it into 

camass or fat dough (94.11) 

xan urine xala f xam-f e e I urinate 

A number of cases have been found of stem + suffix serving as noun 
and verb (e. g., wilHJia^n menstkual " round" dance 100.10, 16: 
wilHJia r mt { 'e e i shall have first courses 162.7, 8); but in these it 
is probable that the verb is a secondary derivative of the noun. 
Even in the first two examples given above, a difference in pitch- 
accent serves to distinguish the noun from the verb-stem: ~kel-gulu < Y v ' 
he will sing, but lie' e l gel-gulu y ¥ w he likes, desires, a song. The 
use of a stem as both noun and verb in the same sentence may 
lead to such cognate accusative constructions as the English to live 

A LIFE, DREAM A DREAM: 

se' ' e l-se e la' 'msi write to me! 

du u gw% ri dl-du u gwa s n¥ she shall wear her skirt 55.9 

If we analyze noun forms like t!ibagwa x nf¥ my pancreas and 
da a nxde x ¥ my ear, we find it necessary to consider fsx& more or less 
distinct elements that go to make up a noun with possessive suffix, 
though all of these but the radical portion of the word may be absent. 

First of all we have the stem (tliba-; da a -) which may or may 
not be similar in form to a verbal base, and which occurs either as 
an absolute noun unprovided with a pronominal suffix (body-part 
nouns and terms of relationship, however, do not ordinarily appear in 
their naked stem-form) , or as an incorporated noun; e. g., tliha-wesin 

I AM PANCREAS-DEPRIVED, MY PANCREAS HAS BEEN TAKEN FROM ME. 

Appended to the stem are the purely derivational or formative 
elements of the noun. Takelma is characterized rather by a paucity 
than an abundance of such elements, a very large proportion of its 
nouns being primitive, i. e., non-derivative, in character. Of the 

§ 84 



212 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

two nouns that we have chosen as types dd a nxde y Y shows no forma- 
tive element in the proper sense of the word, while the -gw- of tliba- 
gwa y nf¥ is such an element (cf . from stem llu- look liu-gw-ax-de K ¥ 

MY FACE) . 

More characteristic of the Takelma noun than derivational suffixes 
is a group of elements that are never found in the absolute form of 
the noun, but attach themselves to it on the addition of a pronominal 
suffix or local pre-positive. The -n- and -{a)n- of da a nxde s Y and 
tHbagwcfnfV, respectively, are elements of this kind (cf. ha-da-n-de 
in my ear; 7ia-t!ihagw-an-de in my pancreas), also the -a- of danaY¥ 
my rock (cf. Jia-dan-a y in the rock [from dcfn rock]), and the -u of 
Jia-fgau in the earth 33.7 (from fga earth). The function of these 
elements, if they have any and are not merely older formative suffixes 
that have become crystallized in definite forms of the noun, is not 
at all clear. They are certainly not mere connective elements serv- 
ing as supports for the grammatical suffixes following, as in that 
event it would be difficult to understand their occurrence as absolute 
finals in nouns provided with pre-positives ; nor can they be plausibly 
explained as old case-endings whose former existence as such was 
conditioned by the preceding pre-positive, but which now have 
entirely lost their original significance, for they are never dependent 
on the pre-positive itself, but vary solely with the noun-stem : 

ha-dan-a x in the rock; dd a -dan-a K beside the rock; dal-dan-a s 
among the rocks; dan-a y -f¥ my rock; daV-dan-a-de over my 
rock (with constant -a- from da y n rock 16.12) 

Jia-gwa°i-a y m in the road 62.6; da a -gwa a l-a x m along the road; 
gwa a l-a y m-£V my road (96.8) ; da¥-gwd a l-am-de over my road 
(48.6, 8) (with constant -am- from gwan road 148.7) 

For want of a better term to describe them, these apparently non- 
significant elements will be referred to as noun-characteristics. 
Not all nouns have such characteristics : 

ha-gelcfm in the river (from gela K m river 21.14) as opposed to xa a - 
gulm-cfn among oaks (from guWm oak 22.10, 11) 

Whether such nouns were always without them, or really preserve 
them, but in a phonetically amalgamated form, it is, of course, 
impossible to decide without other than internal evidence. 

A fourth nominal element, the pre-pronominal -x-, is found in a 
large number of nouns, including such as possess also a characteristic 

§ 84 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 213 

(e. g., da a -n-x-de s V) and such as are not provided with that element 
(e. g., sal-x-de^V my foot) ; a large number, on the other hand, both 
of those that have a characteristic (e. g., t!ibagw-a y n-£V) and of 
those that lack it (e. g., bem-fa a his stick) do without the -x-. A 
considerable number of nouns may either have it between the 
characteristic and the pronominal ending or append the personal 
endings directly to the characteristic, no difference in signification 
resulting. In such doublets, however, the pronominal suffixes be- 
long to different schemes : 

bilg-an-x-de K V and bilg-a^n-fV my breast 
se e ns-i-x-da' s and se e ns-i'- £ ? your hair 
wa a d-i'-x-da (92.24) and wa a d-l H his body 146.6 

The characteristic -a- never tolerates a following -x-. Where doublets 
occur, these two elements seem to be mutually equivalent: ey-a x -£Y 
(112.6) and ei-x-de s ¥ my canoe (from el canoe 114.3). Such doublets, 
together with the fact that nothing ever intervenes between it and the 
personal suffix, make it possible that this -x- is a connective element 
somewhat similar in function to, and perhaps ultimately identical 
with, the connective -x- of transitive verbs. This, however, is con- 
fessedly mere speculation. What chiefly militates against its inter- 
pretation as a merely connective element is the fact of its occurrence 
as a word-final in phrases in which no possessive element is found : 

dagax wo'Vi- head without 

ha-da a -n-x moThiY in-ear red (i. e., red-eared) 14.4; 15.13 

If the local phrase involves a personal pronominal element, the -x- 
disappears : 

dd a -n-x-de x ¥ my ear, but Jia-da-n-de in my ear 
This treatment marks it off sharply from the noun-characteristics. 

Fifthly and lastly, in the integral structure of the noun, comes 
the possessive pronominal suffix (the first person singular of terms 
of relationship, however, is a prefixed wi-) . The following tabulated 
summary shows the range of occurrence of the various elements of 
the noun: 

1. Stem. Occurs as absolute noun (gwan), or incorporated in verb 

(da a -). 

2. Derivative element. Occurs as ending of absolute form of 

noun whose stem appears only in incorporation: t!ibcf-V'° 
pancreas. 

§ 84 



214 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



Lbull. 40 



3. Noun characteristic. Occurs with all increments of absolute 

form of noun; i. e., with pronominal suffix (gwa a l-a y m-f¥) , 
with pre-positive Qia-gwa a l-a x m) , and with pre-positive and 
pronominal element Qia-gwa a l-am-de) . 

4. 'Pre-pronominal -x-. Occurs with pronominal suffix (dd a -n-x- 

delc*) and pre-positive (ha-da a -n-x) , but never with pre-positive 
and pronominal element. 

5. Pronominal suffix. Occurs in two distinct forms: one for 

nouns without pre-positives (da a -n-x-de y ¥) , and one for nouns 
accompanied by pre-positive (ha-da-n-de) . 
A tabulated analysis of a few typical words follows: 



Stem 


Derivative 


Character- 
istic 


Pre-pro- 
nominal 


Pronominal 


Meaning 


(ha-) wax.- 1 




g-a^n 






in the creek 


W- 


¥w- 


an- 




VIC 


my anus 


da-uyd'a- 


k'w.- 






de^k' 


my medicine-spirit 


da,o~ 




»n- 


X- 


de x k' 


my ear 


bo'k'd- 


an.- 




X- 


de x r 


my neck 


fc'a#- 


la'p'a.-k!- 


i- 




i'w 


my woman 


lou- 


si\- 






w 


my plaything 


sge'ee- 


xab.- 


a- 




t'k % 


my hat 


li'u- 


gw- 




ax- 


de s k x 


my face 


xaa- 




Tia'm- 




da 


on his back 


ts-.'e'k'tS'Hg- 




i- 


X- 


del? 


my backbone 


(ha-) yaw- 




a- 




de 


in my ribs 


doum.- 




a K l- 




t'k' 


my testicles 


xwl-(xan.) 




a s m- 




t:r 


my urine 


1- 




u- 


X- 


deW 


my hand | 


(ftae-) l- 




u- 




de 


in my hand] 



1 A point (.) shows the absolute form of the word. 

1. Nominal Stems (§§ 85, 86) 

§ 85. GENERAL REMARKS 

The stem is in a very large number of cases parallel in form to 
that of a verbal base (e. g., with da y n rock, s'om mountain, mex 
crane, cf. tlan- hold, s'om- boil, 7ie e m- wrestle). An extensive 
number of noun-stems, however, are apparently amplifications of a 
simpler monosyllabic base, and have all the outward appearance of 
an aorist stem in the verb. It becomes, then, not only possible, but 
fundamentally important, to classify noun-stems into types that seem, 
and ultimately doubtless are, entirely analogous in form to cor- 
responding verbal types. The noun-stem will- house, for example, 
can be conceived of as formed from a base wil- in the same manner 

§ 85 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 215 

as the aorist naga- is formed from the verb-stem na a g- say to some 
one. Similarly, the noun yele^x burden-basket is phonetically 
related to a hypothetical base *yelx-, as is the aorist leme-kl- to the 
non-aorist lem-k!-. A small number of nouns appear in two forms, 
one corresponding to the aorist stem, the other to the verb-stem of a 
verb: gulu y m oak, but with characteristic - (a) n-:gulm-an- (the non- 
aorist gula K m with inorganic -a- also occurs). Similarly, yulu^m and 
yula y m eagle. In such variable nouns we have a complete morpho- 
logic analogy to Type 2 (or 3)) verbs like aorist xudum- whistle, 
verb-stem xufm- (with inorganic -a-\ xudam-) . In both gulu s m and 
xudum- the -m- is almost certainly a suffixed element. It must be 
carefully noted, however, that, while in the verb we very often have 
both the aorist stem and the base (as verb-stem) in actual existence, 
in the case of nouns we rarely can go beyond the stem as revealed in 
an absolute or incorporated form. It is true that sometimes a 
hypothetical noun-base phonetically coincides with a verbal base, but 
only in the minority of cases can the two be satisfactorily connected. 
Thus, yut!-, abstracted from yut!u y n duck, is very probably identical 
with the yut!- of aorist yutluyad- swallow greedily like hog or 
duck. On the other hand, little is gained by comparing the yul- of 
yulu s m eagle with the yul- of aorist yuluyal- rub; the p!iy- of 
pli'yin deer and pli'yax fawn with the aorist -p!iyin-(¥wa~) lie 
on pillow (cf. gwen-pllxap' pillow), unless the deer was so called, 
for reasons of name-taboo, because its skin was used for the making 
of pillows (or, more naturally, the reverse) ; * the way- of way a? knife 
with way- sleep ; or the noun-stem yaw- rib (occurring as ya-u- when 
incorporated) with the verb-stem yaw- (yiw-) talk. It is not justi- 
fiable to say that noun-stems of apparently non-primitive form are 
necessarily amplified from the bases that seem to lie back of them 
(e. g., will- from wil-; yulu-m from yul-), but merely that there is a 
strong tendency in Takelma for the formation in the noun of certain 
typical sound-groups analogous to those found in the verb. 

§ 86. TYPES OF STEM FORMATION 

Though it is probably impossible to duplicate all the various types 
of aorist and verb stem found in the verb, most of those that are at 
all frequent occur also in the noun. 

^Improbable, however, if aorist p.'eyen- lie and p.Hyin-k'wa- lie on pillow are radically connected (see § 31). 

§ 86 



216 



BUEEAXJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



1. The most characteristic type of noun-stem in Takelma is the 
monosyllabic group of consonant (less frequently consonant-cluster) + 
vowel (or diphthong) + consonant (less frequently cluster) . This 
type may be considered as corresponding to the normal monosyllabic 
verb-stem. Out of a very large number of such primitive, underived 
noun-stems are taken a selection of examples. 

Occurring as naked stems only when incorporated: 



s m in- nose 
da a - ear 
gel- breast 
gwen- neck 
dag- head 
S'al- foot 

Occurring as absolute nouns: 

nox rain 90.1 

plitire 62.10; 78.13 

he sun 54.3; 122.15; 160.20 

hem tree, stick 25.5; 48.7 

xi s water 15.1; 57.14 

Zealand 49.12; 73.9 

fgwa s thunder 55.8 

p!a/- a s snow 90.2, 3; 152.16 

fi>m salmon 17.12; 30.10 

Ian salmon-net 31.2; 33.4 

mat salmon-spear shaft 28.7 

tfgwa s n slave 13.12 

gwan trail 148.7 

bus fly 

del yellow- jacket 73.7, 10 

mex crane 13.1 

xe^m raven 162.8, 12 

s-em duck 55.2; 166.10 

sel kingfisher 

mel crow 144.9; 162.7 

ya¥ w wildcat 42.1; 46.9 

xa y mV grizzly bear 106.14 

dtp" camass 108.18; 124.12 

'klwal grass 31.8 

Ihlx roasted camass 178.4 

6'V tobacco 194.1 

Tclwal pitch 88.13; 158.9 

yup~ woman's basket-cap 178.3 

§86 



gwel- leg 

yaw- rib 

%- hand 

xa a - back 

de e - lips, mouth 

Tia- woman's private parts 



mo x grouse 

fgweW w rat (spJ) 

t K i H s gopher 78.4, 7 

sUn beaver 112.1; 166.12 

s-ux bird 22.4; 166.10 

da s n rock 13.6; 16.12 

la' a p K leaves 

S'lx venison 16.6; 55.1 

xln mucus 

Za v excrement 122.2 

fga'm elk 158.4; 196.6 

t!a¥ mussel 26.7 

bo u n acorn-hopper 

xo'fir 24.10; 54.6 

Jiul¥ panther 42.1 

olV w skunk 164.2 

fan squirrel 94.2, 4 

S'om mountain 43.6 

xan urine 

do u m testicles 130.20 

do u m spider 

Jidu jack-rabbit 108.8 

ga'l £ bow 

Jiai cloud 13.3 

blu grasshopper 92.28, 29 

xni y ¥ acorn dough 16.12 

gm thick brush 71.1 

fgwil hazelnut 116.5, 11, 14 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 217 

Occurring generally with possessive suffix: 



ma 
ham 



1 Ifather 17.12; 70.7; 158.3 146.6 

xu u l- brains 



wa a d- body 92 24; 130.24; 



m- 1 se e n- skm 

Atn-J mother 17 - 9; 76 - 10 ' 13; delg- buttocks 45.9; 72.10; 

172 - 17 94.15 

gu u x-wiie 13.2; 45.3; 64.5; 142.12 bilg- breast 

th l - male, husband 45.14; 126.14 ¥u u l- hair 24.8; 162.4 

nl l - teats 30.14 {nV found as o-is*- property 23.2; 154.13 

absolute form 130.9) 
p!a a n- liver 120.15 (plan found 

as absolute form 57.9, 13) 

These lists might be very greatly increased if desired. It will be 
noticed that a considerable number of the nouns given are such as 
are generally apt to be derivative or non-primitive in morphology. 

In regard to accent monosyllabic nouns naturally divide themselves 
into two classes: — those with rising or raised accent, embracing the 
great majority of examples, and those with falling accent. Of the 
latter type a certain number owe their accent to a glottal catch of 
the stem. Besides ga'l e } already given above, may be cited: 

fgo' ie leggings 
Icla'l's sinew 27.13; (28.1) 
p!e' e l e basket-plate 168.15 
¥o f£ x tar- weed seeds 26.15 

These offer no special difficulty. There is a fairly considerable num- 
ber of monosyllabic nouns, however, in which the falling accent can 
not be so explained, but appears to be inherently characteristic of 
the nouns. Besides d' U/ p\ p!a' a s, tfi H s, and la' a p\ may be mentioned: 

ae' e l song 106.7 */e /g F w yellowhammer 90. 18; 194.15 

se' e l black paint, writing fbe' e ¥ w shinny-ball 

ge'tf xerophyllum tenax a'l¥ silver-side salmon 

ye'*C tears p!e fe s (with derivative -sf see § 87, 

wa ,a s bush (sp.?) 25.12 8) flat rock on which acorns are 

pounded 74.13; 75.2; 118.17 

For two of these nouns (he' e l and se te l) the etymology is obvious. 
They are derived from the verb-stems Jie e l- sing and se e l-(amd-) 
paint; it may well be that the falling accent here characterizes sub- 
stantives of passive force (that which is sung, painted). Possibly 
la' a p and o' Ur p % are to be similarly explained as meaning those that 

1 Most nouns of relationship show monosyllabic stems; none can be shown to be derivative in character. 

§ 86 



218 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

ARE CARRIED (BY BRANCHES) and THAT WHICH IS DUG UP 1 (cf. aorist 

stems ld a b- carry and o u h- dig up). 

2. A very considerable number of noun-stems repeat the vowel of 

the base, corresponding to aorist stems of Type 2 verbs. Such are: 
wi'li house 13.1; 14.8; 192.6 gwit!\-{n)- wrist 

fcr/i'xidog Fa&a- son 23.2; 128.5; 138.14 

moxo v buzzard 105.23 cca^a- maternal aunt 

sgi' s\ coyote 13.1; 70.1; 108.1 xli'wi war-feathers 110.18 
sgvArif raccoon wa^/a' knife 73.3; 144.20; 172.12 

L'a'ma spit for roasting 170.17 #oyo'shaman47.11;142.7;188.7 
ya^/a v person 14.12; 96.2; 128.2 wo u p!u-(n)- eyebrows 
y&n^ acorn 15.16; 16.9; 58.9 

With probably derivative final consonant are : 
lege^m- kidney da,g& y n turtle 

Zap'am frog 102.10; 196.3 te'7axa/ a n blue-striped lizard 

yxrtxfm eagle 77.2; 122.15;164.8 wigln red lizard 
gulu'm oak 22.10 li'bin news 108.20; 194.9 

Vvlu.m fish (sp.?) yi'win speech 126.10; 136.12 

loxo^m manzanita 126.17; 178.5 te*/amaZ mouse 102.10; 104.9; 

142.4 
yutlvCn white duck 55.5 S'imi v Z dew 

pti'yin deer 17.1; 42.2; 54.2 (Jc!el)mehel-^ /i basket for cook- 

g&'Jc!a,n ladder 176.8 ing 178.4 

Here again it will be observed that the rising or raised accent is 

the normal one for the second syllable of the stem. But here also a 

well-defined, if less numerous, group of noun-stems is found in which 

the repeated long vowel bears a falling accent. Examples are: 

fgwdsL' 3 - hooting owl 194.9 t!ibis'I n ant 74.4; 75.5 

M u s'u' u chicken-hawk 142.6 da-iM/a/ a shaman's spirit (? from 

dawy- fly) 164.14 
s'iihii ,u quail 70.2, 5; 71.4 maya' a -F w - orphan 154.5 

Compare also Honors' below (Type 3); ts'HM fi Tc!- and fbele f£ s (Type 
3) owe their falling accent to the presence of a glottal catch. 

Very remarkable is the stem formation of the noun tluxu'i drift- 
wood 75.5. It is evidently formed from the verb-stem do u x- (aorist 
stem tfoxox-) gather (wood) according to aorists of Type 7b, at the 
same time with vowel ablaut (cf. theoretic t!uxu-xi he gathers me) 
and falling accent, perhaps to give passive signification (see § 86, 1); 
its etymologic meaning would then be that which is gathered. 
No other noun of similar stem formation has been found. 

1 If this etymology of 6'up' is correct, Pit River op' tobacco must be borrowed from Takelma. 

§ 86 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 219 

3. It is not strictly possible to separate noun-stems corresponding 
to aorists of verbal Type 2 from those that are to be compared with 
aorists of Type 3. The doubt that we found to exist in the verb as 
to the radical or sumxal character of certain consonants is present 
also in regard to the final consonant of many dissyllabic nouns. 
The following nouns with repeated vowel show final consonants that 
are not thought to be elements of derivation. If this view is correct, 
they are to be compared with Type 3 aorist stems. 

libis crawfish 30.2 ii'liik!- hair 27.1; 140.6; 158.1 

nihwi K ¥ w black bear 116.1; deges 1 - sifting basket-pan 

118.1 196.13 

tS'!ili n Tc!- elbow Jcl&bs^s porcupine-quills 

s-idib-i- (house) wall 176.4, 9 fgw2Ly?L y m lark 22.1; 160.3 

leples cat-tail rushes Jiiilun ocean 60.8; 154.14 

£bele /£ s pine-nuts oho^p' black shells (sp. ?) 55.9 

tlewex flea moi/oy seed-beater 

S'eleV™ pestle 56.1 yuklum- salmon-tail 198.9 

s'uZuF cricket dugvfm baby 126.9 
Honors- humming-bird (per- 
haps with derivative -s) 

4. Analogous to aorist stems of Type 4 verbs (e. g., yewei-) are a 
few nouns with repeated vowel and following -i- to form a diphthong. 
Of such nouns have been found: 

ts-.'elei- eye 27.8 ; 86.7 ; 92.20 da-Jc!olo'i-da-x- cheek 

Fwedei- name 100.21 msJisfi (adjective) large 196.10 
fc/eZei- bark 54.6 (cf. plural mahml 130.4 for 

Tclolol storage basket 61.5; base) 

138.17 

That the final -i- of these nouns is not an added characteristic, 
but an integral part of the noun-stem, is proven by the facts that no 
examples have been found of vowels followed by noun-characteristic 
-i- (ordinarily -n- or -m- is employed), and that ts'lelei- has been 
found incorporated in that form. 

5. A few nouns are found that show a repeated initial consonant; 

they may be compared to Type 10 aorist stems. Examples are: 

. se e ns- hair 136.28 (cf. se e n- bo v p' alder (94.17) 

skin) 
1#"1- throat 25.2 (? cf. aorist ts*!uVs (fe* lunts' !-) deer- 

lomol choke) skin cap embroidered with 

woodpecker-scalps 

1 Absolute form dega"s 178.4; cf. yula^m 164.3 alongside of yulu'm 77.8? 

§ 86 



220 BUREAU OP AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

suns thick, deep (of snow) 90.3 ts'\e'n s s' (ts'Ients'!-) wild-rose 

berry 92.23 
bebe y -n rushes bap' seeds (sp.?) (34.1; 79.9; 

94.19) 
bu u h-a y n arm 23.2, 4; (172.4) ts'Ia^V 1 bluejay (onomato- 

poeic) 22.14; 102.10; 166.11 
sens bug (sp.?) b^p* 2 swan 102.10; 104.14 

Here may also be mentioned Tc!a f mak!a a his tongs (also ]c!a'ma a ). 
6. Reduplicated nouns are not frequent in Takelma, particularly 
when one considers the great importance of reduplication as a gram- 
matical device in the verb. Examples corresponding in form to Type 
12 aorists (i. e., with -a- [umlauted to -i-] in second member) are: 

fgwi'nfgvnn-i- shoulder (also ts'!e'Vts'!ig-i- backbone 112.4; 

t K gw%' l nCgw-%-) 198.6 

gelgcfl fabulous serpent (cf. gi f xgap K medicine, poison 

aorist gelegal-amd- tie hair (irreg.) 188.12 

into top- knot 172.3) 

sl { nsa K n decrepit old woman gwi'sgwas chipmunk 

yuVya'Yw-a (place name) p'dH'p 'icH- salmon-liver (with 

188.13 dissimilated catch) 120. 19,20 

£ ga'lt" gil-i- belly bo u fbid-i- orphans (&lsobofba) 

Also wa-iwl' 1 girl 55.7; 96.23 doubtless belongs here; the -vol' 1 of the 

second syllable represents a theoretic -wi'y, umlauted from -wa'y, the 

falling accent being due to the inorganic character of the repeated a. 

A very few nouns repeat only the first consonant and add a, leaving 

the final consonant unreduplicated. Such are: 

ba'Vba a red-headed woodpecker (onomatopoetic) 92.2, 6 
ha' e Fd a ( = *Jia}c!-M a ) goose 102.10; 106.2, 5 
hot* bd a orphan 122.1, 5 

A few nouns, chiefly names of animals, show complete duplication 
of the radical element without change of the stem-vowel to -a- in the 
second member. This type of reduplication is practically entirely 
absent in the verb. Examples are: 

ts'!e fe ts'!e s small bird (sp.?) dl-k!ok!o y ¥ (adj.) ugly-faced 

60.5 
daldaH dragon-fly 21.1; 28.6 bobo y p* screech-owl 194.1 

p'aba' a p' manzanita-flour t K ga'nCgan fly (upper dialect) 

Even all of these are not certain. Those with radical -a- might 
just as well have been classified with the preceding group (thus 

iThat -ts- is felt to be equivalent to -ts\> is shown by Bluejay's song: ts- la'its- !l-a gwa'tca gwatca 104.7. 
*bel-is felt as the base of this word, cf. Swan's song beleldo+ wa'inha 104.15, which shows reduplication 
of bel- like aorist helel- of hel- skg. 

§ 86 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 221 

dalda!l may be very plausibly connected with aorist tfalatlal- from 
tlalal-, non-aorist dattdal from da a l- crack); while p K aba! a p' and 
bobo^p* may, though improbably, show Type 1 reduplication 
(pab-a a b- like p!ab-ab- chop). This latter type of reduplica- 
tion seems, however, to be as good as absent in the noun (but cf. 
sgwogw6 s Tc w robin; mele y lx burnt-down field 92.27 may be morpho- 
logically verbal, as shown by its probably non-agentive -x). The 
fullest type of reduplication, that found exemplified in the aorists 
of Type 13 verbs, has not been met with in a single noun. 

2. JSoun Derivation (§§ 87, 88) 

§ 87. DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES 

The number of derivative suffixes found in the noun, excluding 
those more or less freely employed to form nominal derivatives from 
the verb-stem, are remarkably few in number, and, for the most part, 
limited in their range of application. This paucity of live word- 
forming suffixes is, of course, due to a great extent, to the large num- 
ber of nominal stems in the language. The necessity of using such 
suffixes is thus greatly reduced. The various derivational affixes found 
in the Takelma noun will be listed below with illustrative examples. 

1. t\a)-. This is the only derivational prefix, excluding of course 
such considerably individualized elements as the body-part prefixes 
of the verb, found in Takelma. It is employed to form the words 
for the female relationships corresponding to elder brother and 

YOUNGER BROTHER. 

waxa his younger brother 54.1, 5 tfawaxa his younger sister 55.2 
wi- £ obl my elder brother 46.10 wi-fobl my elder sister (55.14) 

2. -la'p K a(k!-). This suffix is found only in a number of nouns 
denoting ranks or conditions of persons; hence it is not improbable 
that it was originally a separate word meaning something like per- 
son, people. That it is itself a stem, not a mere suffix, is shown by 
its ability to undergo ablaut (for- le'pi- see § 77). -Jc!- is added to it 
in forms with possessive or plural affix. For example, homt!l ie la r pa 
178.7 male, husband are formed tll u la!pikli£W my husband 
(142.7) and V.lHa!p"aklan husbands, men (130.1, 7). The fact that 
the stem preceding -la! pa appears also as a separate word or with 
other elements indicates that words containing -la! pa may be best 
considered as compounds. 

§ 87 



222 BUBEAU OF AMEBICAN ETHNOLOGY • [bull. 40 

Examples are: 

W £ la/p'a male, husband 178.7 (cf. til 1 - husband, male) 
&V e la'p'a woman 25,9, 12; 108.4, 5 (cf. Fa ic S'o'Fda girl who has 

already had courses) 
rao%ola/p*a old woman 26.14, 16; 56.3 (cf. mologo% old woman 

168.12; 170.10) 
bd u t'bd a Wpeik!ari orphans (cf. botfba orphan and bo u fbid-i-fF 

my orphaned children) 
lomtll^Si'-p'siklan old men 128.11 ; 130.1 (cf . lomt!l H old man 24.1 1 ; 

126.19) 
os*6 M la/p'a poor people 

3. -7c\ A number of place-names with suffixed -F have been found : 

La'mhiV: Klamath river 

Sbink* Applegate creek (cf. sbln beaver) 

Gwen-funY village name 114.14 (cf. pu y n rotten 140.21) 

Ha-t!dnk" village name 

DaF-fgamlk' village name (cf. £ga x m elk) 

Gel-ydlY village name 112.13; 114.8 (cf. yal pine) 

Somolu^ * village name 

Dal-danVk. K village name (cf. da y n rock) 

4. -a' £ (n). Nouns denoting person coming from are formed by 
adding this suffix to the place-name, with loss of derivative -F. 
Examples are: 

Ha-gwd a l&' £ person from Ha-gwal, Cow creek 
Lam~hl l y%! £ person from La'mhik', Klamath river 
Sbl l ndf £ person from Sbink', Applegate creek 
Dal-sa'lsana? person from Dal-salsan, Illinois river 
Dl £ -ldmiya> /£ person from DlMomi 
Gwen-p*u'n& £ person from Gwen-p'unk' 
Dal-daniya, ,£ person from Dal-dani x k' 
S'omolaJ £ person from S'omolu^k* (see footnote) 
Ha-t!o u ndJ £ person from Ha-t!onk* 
La-fga a wa,' £ person from La-t ? gau, uplands 192.14 
DaF-fgamiy&' £ person from Dak'-t'gamik' 
Ha-fiHsi' 5 person from Ha-t'il 
Gel-ya a la, /£ person from Gel-yalk' 

1Da¥-ts!d a wansL /£ person from dak'-ts !a a wa N n, i. e., above the 
lakes ( = Klamath Indian) 
DaF-ts !d a malsi /£ 

i The -u s - of this word is doubtless merely the pitch-accentual peak of the -1-, the -u- resonance of the 
liquid being due to the preceding -o-. The word is thus to be more correctly written as Somolk' (similarly, 
wulx enemy was often heard as wulu^x), as implied by S-omola' s one from Somolk'. In that event 
s-omo'l- is very probably a frequentative in v+l (see § 43, 6) from s-om mountain, and the place-name 
means very mountainous region. 

§ 87 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 223 

Dd a -gelma,' £ n person from Da a -gela x m, Rogue river (= Takelma 

Indian) 
Di-dalam&' ,£ n person from Didalam, Grant's Pass 

Judging from the material at hand, it seems that -a f£ n is used only 
when the place-name ends in -m, though the ease with which -a' e n 
may be heard as -a' £ (see first footnote § 60) detracts from the cer- 
tainty of this generalization. 

5. -gw-. This element occurs as a suffix in a number of terms 
relating to parts of the body. Examples are # : 

ttibcf'k*™ pancreas 47.17; t!ibagw-a s n-f¥ my pancreas (47.5, 6, 7, 

13) (incorporated t!iba- 46.1, 9) 
Wugw-ax-deY my face (cf. verb-stem llu- look) 
da £ madagw-a y n-f¥ my shoulder 
da-uya' a k.' w -de¥ my medicine-spirit (incorporated da-uya a - 

164.14) 
le'k.'w-an-t'V my rectum (cf. Za v excrement 122.2) 
ma'p!agw-a-£Y my shoulder-blade' 

6. -{ci)n- (or -m-, -l~). There are so many nouns which in their 
absolute form end in -{a)n or its phonetic derivatives -(a)m- and -(a) l- 
(see § 21) that there is absolutely no doubt of its suffixal character, 
despite the impossibility of ascribing to it any definite functional value 
and the small number of cases in which the stem occurs without it. 
The examples that most clearly indicate its non-radical character will 
be conveniently listed here : 

he e lsb y m board 176.5 (cf.dtf-he'liya sleeping on board platform 13.2) 

ts'leWm. hail 152.12, 16 (cf. verb-stem ts'Iel- rattle) 

pH'yiii deer 13.10; 42.2 (cf. pli'yax fawn 13.11; 49.11) 

yi'win speech 126.10; 138.4 (cf. verb-stem yiw- talk) 

li'bin news 194.9 (? cf. verb-stem laba- carry) 

yutlu^n white duck 55.5 (cf . verb-stem yutl- eat greedily) 

ido'lFeLm-a- anus (also do f lY-i- as myth form 106.4, 8) 
do f l¥\m-i- 
doWm-i- 106.6, 9 

xdan eel (cf . reduplicated ~ha s -xdd' a xdagwa £ n I throw away some- 
thing slippery, nastily wet [49.7]) 
s'ugw^n. root basket 124.5 (cf. s'ugwidl it lies curled up like 

bundled roots or strings) 
dan ye' e wald-m-i l rocks returning-to- them, myth name of Otter 
160.10, 13 (cf. verb-stem ye e w-ald- return to) 

Other examples, etymologically untransparent, will be found listed 
in § 21. The difference between this derivational -n (-m) and 

S 87 



224 BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

noun-characteristic -n- (-m) lies in the fact that the former is a neces- 
sary part of the absolute form of the word, while the latter appears 
only with grammatical increments. Thus the -am of lie e la y m board 
can not be identified with the -am of Jia-gwd a la y m in the road, as 
gwa°ia y m has no independent existence. The exact morphologic cor- 
respondent of gwa a l-am- is Jie e lam-a- (e. g., Jie e lam£a x -f¥ my board). 
A doubt as to the character of the -n- can be had only in words that 
never, or at least not normally, occur without possessive suffix: 

lege y m-t K ¥ my kidneys 

wo U/ p!u x n-t¥ my eyebrows * 

7. -a* There are a rather large number of dissyllabic nouns or 
noun-stems with final -a, in which this element is to outward ap- 
pearance an integral part of the radical portion of the word. 
The number of instances in which it occurs, however, is considerable 
enough to lead one to suspect its derivational character, though it 
can be analyzed out in an even smaller number of cases than the 
suffix -n above discussed. The most convincing proof of the exist- 
ence of a suffix -a is given by the word xu'ma food, dry food, 54.4; 
188.1, a derivative of the adjective xu s m dry 168.15 (e. g., pirn xu y m 
dried salmon; cf. also xumu'¥de £ i am sated [132.1]). Other pos- 
sible examples of its occurrence are: 

yoleS fox (? cf. verb-stem yul- rub) 70.1, 4, 5; 78.2, 3, 9 

men^ bear 72.3; 73.2, 3, 4, 5; 106.7, 10 

yields slug 105.25 

noxwa? small pestle 

fe'lma, small pestle 62.1; 116.18, 19; 118.2 

ma'xleL dust 172.3; 184.5, 9 

fdeda? grass for string (sp.?) 

t!el& y shinny-stick (? cf. verb-stem t!eu- play shinny) 

t!eU K louse (? cf. verb base t!el- lick) 116.3, 6, 7, 8, 11 

tlibsu- pancreas 46.1, 9; 49.7 

eZa- tongue (characteristic -a- ?) 

dol& s old tree 24.1 

yan^ oak 22.11; 168.1, 2, 3, 6, 7 (cf. yangwa^s oak sp.; with 
-gwas cf . perhaps al-gwa's-i- yellow) 
It is of course possible that some of the dissyllabic nouns in -a 
listed above (§ 86, 2) as showing a repeated vowel (e. g., ya'pla) really 
belong here. 

i These seem to be parallel to gwit!i y n-t'k' my wrist, in which -n-, inasmuch as it acts as the equivalent 
of the characteristic -u- (cf. givit!iuxde"k' my weist with luxdeW my hand), is itself best considered 
characteristic element. 

§ 87 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 225 

S. -s. This element is in all probability a derivational suffix in 
a fairly considerable number of words, as indicated particularly by 
the fact of its frequent occurrence after a consonant. Examples are: 

p!e' e s mortar-stone fastened in ground (cf. verb-stem pie- lie) 
74.13; 120.17 

la K ps blanket (? cf. base lab- carry on shoulder) 98.14 ; 15, 19, 21 

p!e s ns squirrel 

gums (adj.) blind 26.14 (? cf. gomha y ¥ w rabbit) 

bels moccasin 

~k!u y ls worm (? cf. verb-stem go u l-, aorist Iclolol- dig) 

yols steel-head salmon ( ? cf . yola s fox) 

bits moss 43.16; 44.1; 47.15 

bami^s sky 79.7 (cf. verb-prefix bam- up) 

bah (adj.) long 14.5; 15.12, 15 (? cf. da-balni'-xa [adv.] long time) 

Also some of the dissyllabic nouns in -s with repeated vowel listed 
above (§ 86, 3) may belong to this set. 

A few other stray elements of a derivational aspect have been 
found. Such are: 

-ax in pli'yax fawn 13.11; 16.8; 17.1, 2 (cf. pli'yin deer) 
-xi 1 in bomxi s otter 13.5; 17.13; 154.13; 156.14; u' e xi seed-pouch; 
M a pxV child 13.8, 13 (cf. Mp'da his child 98.13 and ]ia a p- 
incorporated in Jia a p'-lc!emna ,£ s Children-maker 172.15) 
pluralic -x- in Tiapxda his children 16.3; 118.1, 14 
-x- varies with -s- in adjective liapsdi small; Jia a pxi / Jiapsdi 
little children 30.12 
A large number of dissyllabic and polysyllabic nouns still remain 
that are not capable of being grouped under any of the preceding 
heads, and whose analysis is altogether obscure: 

laxdiswotflS.l; 16.10; 17.10 
domxa y u Chinook salmon 
yi¥aY red deer 
yiba'xam small skunk 
bixa y l moon 196.1 

Jc!a'nak!as basket cup (probably reduplicated and with deriva- 
tive -s) 

§ 88. COMPOUNDS 

Of compounds in the narrower sense of the word there are very 
few in Takelma. Outside of personal words in -la'p^a, which we 
have suspected of being such, there have been found : 
lomtn'* old man 24.11, 12; 126.19 (cf. ill 1 - male) 
¥a i£ s-o'Vda girl who has had courses (cf. VaHa'p'a woman) 

i Cf. -xi above, § 82. 
3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 15 § 88 



226 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

Independent nouns may, however, be juxtaposed without change of 
form to make up a descriptive term, the qualifying noun preceding : 

Jiapxi-t!i' i fa a child male-person ( = boy) 14.1, 6; 17.3,6; 156.10 

Jiapxi-wa-iwi'* child female-person ( = girl) 29.7; 30.1; 71.3 

Jiapxi-£a a ga' s s child crier ( = cry-baby) 

da'n mologoH rock old-woman 170.10, 15, 20; 172.1 

dan liapxi-t!i ;i fd a rock boy 17.8 

dan wiHi H his rock knife 142.20 

gwa's' will brush house (for summer use) 176.14 

yax will graveyard house 14.8, 9; 15.5, 6 

will* 7ie e Ia s m house boards 176.5 

xamV wa-iwi H grizzly-bear girl 124.10; 130.6, 7, 26 

mena dap!a'la-ufan bear youths 130.11 

yapla goyo s Indian doctor 188.12 

Examples of compounds in which the first element is modified by a 
numeral or adjective are: 

will ha e igo' yap!a s house nine people ( = people of nine houses) 

150.16 
yapla £ aWgu He s' goyo y person white doctor ( = white doctor) 188.11 

A certain number of objects are described, not by a single word, 
but by a descriptive phrase consisting of a noun followed by an 
adjective, participle, or another noun provided with a third personal 
possessive suffix. In the latter case the suffix does not properly indi- 
cate a possessive relation, but generally a part of the whole or the 
fabric made of the material referred to by the first noun. Such are : 
lasgu'm-iuxgwaY snake handed ( = lizard) 196.4 
fgwilts'H^Vda hazel its-meat ( = hazel-nut) 
fgwa he e lama fa thunder its-board ( = lumber) 55.8, 10 
fliyin sge' eS xaba a deer its-hat (not deer's hat, but hat of deerskin) 
pliyin ts'lu'nts'li 1 deer its-cap-embroidered- with woodpecker- 
scalps 
Yai mologola' f p K axdd a what its- woman ( = what kind of woman?) 

122.3 
wi'li gwala s houses many ( = village) 
ts'li'xi mahaH dog big ( = horse) 

fim s'inlxda salmon its-nose ( = swallow) (perhaps so called 
because the spring run of salmon is heralded by the coming of 
swallows) 
mena s £ alfguna s px bear + ? ( = dormouse [ ? ]) 
xi'lam sebeY dead-people roasting ( = bug [sp.?]) 1 98.13, 15 
yfun-yi s lC rotten copulating- with ( = Oregon pheasant) 

1 See Appendix B, note 2 of first text. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 227 

§ 89. 3. JVoun- Characteristics and Pre- Pronominal -x- 

As noun-characteristics are used four elements: ~(a)n (including 
-am and -at), -a-, -i-, and -u-. Although each noun, in so far as it 
has any noun-characteristic, is found, as a rule, to use only one of 
these elements, no rule can be given as to which of them is to be 
appended to any given noun. Nouns in suffixed -(a)n, or -(a)m, for" 
example, are found with characteristic -i- (bu u bin-i- [from bu u -ba K n 
arm]), -a- (he e lam-a- [from 7ie e la y m board]), -{a)n (gulm-an- [from 
gula^m oak]), and without characteristic (Jbo'Ydan-x-deV my neck 
[frombo'Fdan 15.12, 15]). 

1. -(a)n. Examples of this characteristic element are : 
gwit!i-n- wrist (cf. variant gwit!l-u-) 

tlibagw-an- pancreas 45.15; 46.5 (absolute t!iba y Y w 47.17) 
da s madagw-em- shoulder 
ZeFw-an- rectum 

da a -n-x- ear 14.4; 15.13 (incorporated da a -) 

ts!a a w-QJi- lake, deep water 59.16 (absolute ts!au 162.9; 166.15) 
gulm-a,ii- oak (absolute gula y m) 
bob-in- 1 alder 94.17 (absolute bo y p') 
Its phonetic reflexes -al and -am occur in : 

S'd u m-al- mountain 124.2; 152.2 (absolute s-orn 43.6; 122.16) 

do u m-al- testicles 130.8 (absolute do u m 130.20) 

ts!a a m-dl- (in DaV-ts!a a mala /£ Klamath Indian, parallel to 

DaY-ts !a a wana' e ) 
gwa a l-&m.- trail 48.6, 8; 96.8, 9 (absolute gwan 148.7) 
xa a l-&m- urine (absolute xan) 

-am- is also found, though without apparent phonetic reason, in xa a - 
liam- back (incorporated xa a -) . Certain nouns add -g- before taking 
-an- as their characteristic: 

wax-gan- creek (absolute wa K x) 

del-gan-(x-) anus 45.9; 72.10; 94.15 

bil-gan-(x-) breast 

gel-gan- breast (cf. variant gel-x-) 

2. -a-. More frequently occurring than -{a)n- is -a-, examples of 
which are: 

dan&- rock (absolute da y n 17.8; dal-am- as possible variant in 

place-name Di-dala y m over the rocks [?]) 
ey-Si- canoe 112.6; 114.5, 13; 156.2 (cf. variant ei-x-) 
fgwan-o,- slave (absolute t'gwa y n 13.12) 
he e lam-Si- board 55.8, 10 (absolute 7ie e la^m 176.5) 
yd u l!w-&- bone 186.1; 196.17 (absolute yo u£ F w ) 

i This word happened to occur with following emphatic ya'a, so that it is probably umlauted from bob-an-. 

§ 89 



228 BTJEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

pim-Sb- salmon 31.1; 32.4 (absolute p*i y m 30.10, 11; 31.3.) 

do'l¥am-&- rectum (cf. variant do'l¥im-i~) 

ma'p!agw-&- shoulder blade (absolute ma'p!a¥ w ) 

yaw-Si- rib 194.10 (incorporated ya-u-) 

xiy-s,- water 58.6; 156.19; 162.13 (absolute xi s 162.7, 8, 14) 

2?.%-a-fire 118.4; 168.19 (absolute ptt 88.12, 13; 96.17) 
All nouns in -xab- take -a- as their characteristic, e. g., sge f e£ xab-a-t¥ 
my hat (from sge' e£ xap' hat) 

3. -i-. Examples of nouns with -i- as their characteristic are: 

du u gw-i- shirt 13.4; 96.26; 192.4 (absolute du¥ w 96.16) 

bu u bin-i- arm 31.4; 172.4, 5, 6 (absolute bu u ba y n 23.2, 4, 9) 

f gwi' 'no gwin-i- shoulder 

ts'!ugul-i- rope (cf. absolute ts'lu¥) 

¥u u b-i- hair, skin 24.8; 160.6 

uluk!-\- hair 27.1, 4; 126.11; 136.20; 158.1; 188.4, 5; 194.7. 

Tc!aUs!-\- sinew 28.1 (absolute Jc!a'l e s 27.13) 

ba a b-i- seeds (sp.?) 34.1; 79.9; 94.19 (absolute baf) 

Tclelw-i- basket bucket 170.14, 16, 18, 19 (absolute Jc!e y l 186.17) 

ma a l-\- spear-shaft 156.1 (absolute mat 28.7, 9, 10) 

duH-\- spear-point (absolute dul 28.8, 9; 156.19, 20) 

lvH-\-{x-) throat 25.2 

mu u l-i- lungs 

t!egilix-i- skull 174.3 

fgalfgil-i-(x-) belly 

ts'!e¥ts'!ig-i-(x~) backbone 112.4 

tiam-i- father 158.3 (e. g., ham-i'- £ tf your father, but wi-7ia y m my 
father 138.19) 
A number of terms of relationship show an -i- not only in the second 
person singular and plural and first person plural but also, unlike 
Jiam-i- father, in the first person singular, while the third person in 
-xa(-a) and the vocative (nearly always in -a) lack it. They are: 

wi-¥abal my son (23.2, 3) : Fa6a/-xa his son 138.16 

iwi £ -obl my elder brother : o'^-xahis elder brother 48.3; 62.2 
(46.10) 
wi-fobi my elder sister : V o'^-xa his elder sister 55. 14 ; 56.6 

m-L'a'si my maternal : Ar/aVa his maternal grandparent 

grandparent 14.2; (15.12) 16.1, 2; (154.18) 

wi-xddl my paternal uncle : xda-xa, his paternal uncle 
wi-hasi" my maternal uncle : Tia's-a, his maternal uncle 
wi-fadi" my paternal aunt : fa'd-a, his paternal aunt (63.9; 

22.14 77.14) 

wi-xagai my maternal aunt : xaga'-x& his maternal aunt 
wi-ts!al my (woman's) : ste/a'-xa her brother's child; his 
brother's child 22.1 ; 23.8, sister's child 

10; my (man's) sister's 
child 148.19; 150.4 
§ 89 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 229 

Still other terms of relationship have an -i- in all forms but the voca- 
tive. It is probable, though not quite so certain for these nouns, that 
the -i- is not a part of the stem, but, as in the preceding group, an 
added characteristic element. Such nouns are: 

Vocative 

gamdi'-xa his paternal grand- gamda 

parent (170.21; 188.13) 
siw\'-xa her sister's child; his siwa 

brother's child 
waYdi'-xa his mother's broth- waYda 77 A 

er'sson 77.6; 88.14; (188.9) 
tlomxi'-xa 1 his wife's parent tlomxa 

lamtsli'-xa her brother's wife lamtsla 

yidY-xa her husband's sister yida 

nanbi'-xa his brother's wife; nanba 

his wife's sister 
ximni'-xa his relative by mar- ximna 

riage after linking member 

has died 

The -i- has been found in the vocative before the -a (but only as a 
myth-form) in obiya o elder brother! 59.3; 62.4 (alongside of oba), 
so that it is probable that the vocative -a is not a mere transfor- 
mation of a characteristic vowel, but a distinct element that is 
normally directly appended to the stem. Other examples of myth 
vocatives in -a appended to characteristic -i- are tsfaya o nephew! 
23.1 (beside ts!a) and wb'Ydia> o cousin! 88.14, 15 (beside waYda). 
The stem Jiam- with its characteristic -i- is used as the vocative: 
Tiami o father! 70.5; 71.7; also o son! Quite unexplained is the 
not otherwise occurring -i- in the vocative of motf- son-in-law: 
mofia^ 166.6, 7. As already noted (see § 88, 2), nouns in -la'p'a 
regularly take an -i- after the added -1c!- of possessive forms : -Id'pHlcI-i-. 
4. -u-. Only a few nouns have been found to contain this element 
as their characteristic. They are : 

i-u-x- hand 58.2; 86.13 (incorporated %-) 
gwit!i-\i-x- wrist 2 (cf. variant gwit!i-n-) 

Tia-u-x- woman's private parts 108.4; 130.8 (incorporated Tia-) 
Vga-u- earth, land 55.3, 4; 56.4 (absolute fga 73.9, 11, 13) 
-Homxa^u wife's parent (cf. tlomxi'xa his wife's parent 154.16; 
164.19; see footnote, sub 3). 

i The first person singular shows -u as characteristic: wi-t!omza>u. 

2 It is highly probable that this word has been influenced in its form by lux- hand, which it resembles in 
meaning, if it is not indeed a compound of it. 

§ 89 



230 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The pre-pronominal element -x- is in some words appended directly 
to the stem or stem + derivational suffix; in others, to one of the 
noun-characteristics -(a)n, -i, and -u (never -a) . A considerable num- 
ber of words may or may not have the -x- after their characteristic; 
a few show variation between -a- and -x-; and but a very small 
number have -x- with or without preceding characteristic (e. g., gel-x-, 
gel-gan-, and gel-gan-x- breast) . Examples of -x- without preceding 
characteristic are: 

dag-a,x- head 1 90.12, 13; 116.8; 188.4, 5 (incorporated dale'-) 

sal-x- foot 120.18 (incorporated sal-) 

gwel-x- leg 15.15; 86.18; 122.10; 160.17 (incorporated form 

gwel-) 
de e -x- lips (incorporated de e ~) 186.18 
gwen-tia-u-x- nape (incorporated gwen-ha-u-) 
'ei-x- canoe (absolute el) 
dl £ mo-x- hips (incorporated dl e mo-) 
Kugw-SiX.- face 

bo¥dan-x- neck (absolute bo'Vdari) 
7ia a n-x- 2 brothers 136.7 

Rather more common than nouns of this type seem to be ex- 
amples of -x- with preceding characteristic, such as have been 
already given in treating of the noun-characteristics. A few body- 
part nouns in -x- seem to be formed from local third personal pos- 
sessive forms {-da) ; e. g., di' £ alda-x-deY my forehead from dl ,£ alda 
at his forehead (but also d% is aH-£~k\ with first personal singular pos- 
sessive ending directly added to stem or incorporated form dl u al~) ; 
da-klolo'ida-x-deY my cheek is evidently quite parallel in formation. 
Body-part nouns with pre-pronominal -x- end in this element when, 
as sometimes happens, they occur absolutely (neither incorporated 
nor provided with personal endings). Examples of such forms fol- 
low: 

haux woman's private parts 130.19 
da'gax head 
yu'TcIalx teeth 57.4 
dayawa'ntHxi %u s x other hand 86.13 
gwelx dayawa'ntlixi other leg 86.18 

l -ax- contains inorganic -a-, and is not to be analyzed as characteristic -a- + -x- (parallel to -i- + -x-). 
This is shown by forms in which -x- regularly disappears; e. g.,dak'-de over me (not *dag-a-de as parallel 
to -s-in-i-de). 

2 Perhaps with pluralic -x- as in hdap-x- children, p. 225. 

§ 89 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 231 

4. Possessive Suffixes (§§ 90-93) 

§ 90. GENERAL REMARKS 

The possessive suffixes appended to the noun embrace elements 
for the first and second persons singular and plural and for the third 
person; the form expressing the latter is capable of further ampli- 
fication by the addition of an element indicating the identity of the 
possessor with the subject of the clause (corresponding to Latin suus 
as contrasted with eius). This element may be further extended to 
express plurality. Altogether four distinct though genetically related 
series of possessive pronominal affixes are found, of which three are 
used to express simple ownership of the noun modified ; the fourth is 
used only with nouns preceded by pre-positives and with local adver- 
bial stems. The former set includes a special scheme for most terms 
of relationship, and two other schemes for the great mass of nouns, that 
seem to be fundamentally identical and to have become differentiated 
for phonetic reasons. None of these four pronominal schemes is 
identical with either the objective or any of the subjective series 
found in the verb, though the pronominal forms used with pre- 
positives are very nearly coincident with the subjective forms found 
in the future of Class II intransitives : 

ha-wilide in my house, like s'a's-ante e I shall stand 
7ia-will fi da in his house, like s-a's'antd a he will stand 

The following table gives the four possessive schemes, together with 
the suffixes of Class II future intransitives, for comparison: x 





Terms of relation- 
ship 


Scheme II 


Scheme III 


With pre- 
positives 


Future in- 
transitives II 


Singular: 












First person . . . 


wi- 


-d'ek' 


-rr 


-de 


-dee 


Second person . . . 


-'h' 


-de* 


-'H' 


-da* 


-da- 


Third person . . . 


-xa, -a 


-da 


-', -'C 


-'da 


-da 


Plural: 












First person . . . 


-da'm 


-da'm 


-da'm 


-da'm 


-(p')igam 


Second person . . . 


-H'ban 


-daba*n 


-'H'ban 


^-daba^n 
{-'H'ban 


\-daba s 


Singular reflexive: 












Third person . . . 


-xagwa, -agwa 


-dagwa 


-'t'gwa 


\-'dagwa 
\-'t'gwa 




Plural reflexive: 

Third person . . . 


-xagwan, -agwan 


-dagwan 


-'t'gwan 


{-'dagwan 
{-'t'gwan 





A complete comparative table of all pronominal forms is given in Appendix A. 



90 



232 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



It will be observed that the main difference between the last two 
schemes lies in the first person plural; the first scheme is entirely 
peculiar in the first person singular and third person. The first person 
plural possessive suffix (-da'm) resembles the endings of the sub- 
jective future of the same person (-iga'm, -anaga'm) in the falling 
accent; evidently there is a primary element -a'm back of these 
various endings which has amalgamated with other suffixes. As 
seen from the table, reflexive suffixes exist only for the third person. 
The plural reflexive in -gwan has often reciprocal significance : 

wu'lxdagwan their own enemies ( = they are enemies) 

The suffixes of the first and second person plural may also have 
reciprocal significance : 

wulxda'm e e bW we are enemies (lit., our enemies we are) cf. 
180.13 

§91. TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 

ham- (ma-) father, hin- (ni-) mother, Idas- maternal grand- 
parent, and oeyan- daughter may be taken as types of the nouns 
that form this group. 1 



Singular: 

First person . 

Second person 

Third person 
Plural: 

First person . 

Second person 
Singular reflexive: 

Third person . 
Plural reflexive: 

Third person . 

Vocative .... 



wiha y m 
hami' s t' 
ma'xa 

hamida'm 
hami'H'ban 

ma'xagwa 

ma'xagwan 
harm 



wihVn 
M'nfl? 

ni'xa 

hinda'm 
M'nH'ban 

ni'xagwa 

ni'xagwan 

hinde) 

[s-na]\ 



wik.'asi* 
kfasi'U* 
kfa'sa 

k.'asida'm 
klasi'H'ban 

k.'a'sagwa 

k! a' sag wan 
k.'asa 



wibeya x n 
beya'nH' 
beya'n 

beyanda'm 
beya'nH'ban 

beya'nfgwa 

beya'nfgwan 

[hinde 

s -na\ 



The first two of these are peculiar in that they each show a double 
stem; the first form (ham-, hin-) is used in the first and second 
persons, the second (ma-, ni-) in the third person. Despite the 
phonetically symmetrical proportion ham- : ma- — hin- : ni-, the two 
words are not quite parallel in form throughout, in that hin- does not 
show the characteristic -i- found in certain of the forms of ham-. 

i Out of thirty-two terms of relationship (tabulated with first person singular, third person, and vocative 
in American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, pp. 268, 269) that were obtained, twenty-eight belong here. 

S 91 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 233 

Of the other words belonging to this group, only that for friend 
shows, or seems to show, a double stem: wiJc!u u ya y m my friend 
£Lii&Jc!u'yam o friend! 31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 but Jc!u u ya''pxa his friend 
190.2, 4 and JcIuyaba'H* (with inorganic rather than characteristic a) 
your friend 198.2. Irregular is also wi-k!b u xa y my son's wife's 
parents: Jc!o u xa'm-xa his son's wife's parents 178.9, in which 
we have either to reckon with a double stem, or else to consider 
the -m- of the latter form a noun-characteristic. Other terms of 
relationship which, like Mn-, append all the personal endings 
without at the same time employing a characteristic are : 

wa a - younger brother 42.1; 64.4 (also fawa a - younger sister 

58.1, 5; 188.10) 
lc!e e h- husband's parent 
wayau- daughter-in-law ([ ? ] formed according to verb-type 1 1 

from way- sleep) 56.8, 9 
S'iyd s p'- woman's sister's husband or husband's brother 
Jiasd- 1 man's sister's husband or wife's brother 152.22 



Jcluyal™.'] friend 180.13; 196.19; 198.2 



bey an- daughter 13.2; 70.1, 4; 118.1, 4 belongs, morphologically 
speaking, to the terms of relationship only because of its first per- 
sonal singular form; all its other forms (the vocatives really belong 
to Mn-) are built up according to Scheme III. 

As far as known, only terms of relationship possess vocative forms, 
though their absence can not be positively asserted for other types of 
nouns. The great majority of these vocatives end in -a, which, as in 
wa o younger brother! may be the lengthened form with rising 
accent of the final vowel of the stem, or, as in Tclasa o grandmother! 
16.3, 5, 6; 17.2; 154.18 added to the stem, generally with loss of the 
characteristic -i-, wherever found, wayau- and s'iya £ p'-, both of which 
lack a characteristic element, employ as vocative the stem with rising 
accent on the a- vowel: wayau o daughter-in-law! and s'iyoZ s p K 
o brother-in-law ! (said by woman) . This method of forming the 
vocative is in form practically equivalent to the addition of -a. s-na 2 
mamma! and Jiaikla o wife! husband! are vocatives without corre- 
sponding noun-stems provided with pronominal suffixes, beyan- 
daughter and Yaba- son, on the other hand, have no vocative 

i wiha y st' my wife's brother is the only Takelma word known that terminates in -st'. 
2 Inasmuch as there is hardly another occurrence of s-n- in Takelma, it is perhaps not too far-fetched to 
analyze S'nd into s'- (cf. second footnote, p. 8) +na (vocative of ni- in ni'xa his mother). 

§ 91 



234 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

derived from the same stem, but employ the vocative form of mother 
and father respectively. Of other vocatives, Tclu'yam 1 o friend! 
31.6, 8; 32.4, 6 is the bare stem; Jiami 70.5; 71.7, the stem with 
added characteristic -i- ; Jiinde o mother! daughter! 56.7; 76.10, 
13; 186.14 is quite peculiar in that it makes use of the first personal 
singular ending (-de) peculiar to nouns with possessive suffix and pre- 
ceding pre-positive. Only two other instances of a nominal use of 
-de without pre-positive or local adverb have been found: mo't'e e my 
son-in-law! (as vocative) 164.19; and Vwi'naxde my folks, rela- 
tions, which otherwise follows Scheme II (e. g., third person 
¥wi'naxdd a ). 

The normal pronominal suffix of the third person is -xa; -a is found 
in only four cases, ~k!a'sa his maternal grandparent, lia'sa his 

MATERNAL UNCLE, f a' da HIS PATERNAL AUNT, and Tia'sdo, HIS BROTHER- 
IN-LAW. The first two of these can be readily explained as assimi- 
lated from *Jc!a'sxa and *Jia'sxa (see § 20, 3); *Vadxa and *7iasdxa, 
however, should have become *fa'sa and *1ia'sa respectively. The 
analogy of the first two, which were felt to be equivalent to 
stem + -a, on the one side, and that of the related forms in -d- 
(e. g., f add and Jiasda) on the other, made it possible for fa' da and 
lia'sda to replace *fa'sa and *lia'sa, the more so that a necessary 
distinction in form was thus preserved between lia'sa his maternal 
uncle and lia'sda (instead of *~ka'sa) his brother-in-law. 

The difference in signification between the third personal forms in 
-xa and -xagwa (similarly for the other pronominal schemes) will be 
readily understood from what has already been said, and need not be 
enlarged upon: 

ma'xa wd a -liimiY he spoke to his (some one else's) father 
ma' xagwa wa a -himiY he spoke to his own father 

There is small doubt that this -gwa is identical with the indirect 
reflexive -gwa of transitive verbs with incorporated object. Forms 
in -gwan seem to refer to the plurality of either possessor or object 
possessed: 

Yaoa'xagwan their own son or his (her) own sons 
eixdagwan their own canoe or his own canoes 

The final -n of these forms is the indefinite plural -an discussed 
below (§ 99). Plural (?) -gwan is found also in verb forms (144.12; 
150.24). 

1 k.'uyam- is perhaps derived, by derivational suffix -(a)ra, from verb-stem klouy- go together with one. 

§ 91 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 

§ 92. SCHEMES II AND III 



235 



As examples may be taken dagax- head, which follows Scheme II, 
and will- house, dana- rock, tUbagwan- liver, and xa a 7iam- back, 
which follow Scheme III. 



Singular: 












1st person 


da'gaxdek' 


wiliYk' 


dana^t'k* 


t.'ibagwa^nt'k' 


xaaha^mt'k' 


2d person 


da'gaxde? 


wili'n 


dana' s t' 


t!ibagwa'n=t* 


xdaha'mW 


3d person 


da'gaxda 


will'i 


dana'a 


t.'ibagwa'n 


x&aha'm 


Plural: 












1st person 


da'gaxdam 


wilida'm 


danada'm 


t.'ibagwa'ndam 


xdaha'mdam 


2d person 


daga'xdaba^n 


wili'H'ban 


dana' s f ban 


t!ibagwa'n-t*ban 


xaaha'raH'ban 


Singular reflex- 
ive: 
3d person 












daga'xdagwa 


wili't'gwa 


dana't'gwa 


t.'ibagwa'nCgwa 


xmha'mt'gwa 


Plural reflex- 












ive: 












3d person 


daga'xdagwan 


wili't'gwan 


dana't'gwan 


t.'ibagwa'nt' gwan 


xdaha'mt'gwan 



A third person plural -dan also occurs, as in dumha¥ w dan his 

SLAIN ONES Or THEIR SLAIN ONE 180.2. 

Scheme II is followed by the large class of nouns that have a pre- 
pronominal -x-, besides a considerable number of nouns that add the 
endings directly to the stem. Noun-characteristics may not take the 
endings of Scheme II unless followed by a -x- (thus -a y nf¥ and 
-anxde x ¥; -iYJc* and -ixde y V). Examples of Scheme II nouns with- 
out preceding -x- are : 

a-is'de y Y my property (though -■§•- may be secondarily derived 

from -s'x- or -tx-) 23.2, 3; 154.18, 19," 20; 158.4 
mo'VeY my son-in-law (152.9) (incorporated mot'-) 
se' e lt'e¥ my writing, paint (absolute se' e l) 
Jie'WeV my song (164.16; 182.6) (absolute Jie fe l 106.7) 
U'H H ¥de¥ my meat (44.3, 6; 170.6) 
wila/uVek* my arrow (45.13; 154.18) (absolute wilcfu 22.5; 28.1,2; 

77.5) 
ga'WeV my bow (154.19; 190.22) (absolute ga'l e ) 
la'psdeV my blanket (absolute la S/ ps 98.14, 15, 19, 21) 
ts'Uxi-maha'it'eV my horse (absolute ts- !i' 'xi-mahaH) 

Scheme III is followed by all nouns that have a characteristic 
immediately preceding the personal suffix or, in nearly all cases, 
whose stem, or stem + derivative suffix, ends in -a- (e. g., tlelaYV 
my shinny-stick [from Mela?]), -i-, -ei- (e. g., ts-!elelf¥ my eye 
[from ts'lelei-]), -n (e. g., sent'F my skin), -m, or -I 1 (e. g., dl is a y lt'V 

1 In most, if not all, cases the -n, -m, or -Z is a non-radical element. It is not quite clear in how far stems 
ending in these vowels and consonants follow Scheme II or Scheme III. 

§ 92 



236 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 

my forehead [from dl ie al-]) . The third person is, at least super- 
ficially, without ending in all nouns of this group whose pre-pro- 
nominal form is not monosyllabic. The third personal form is 
characterized by a falling accent on the final syllable, -a- and -i- 
being lengthened to -d' a and -l H respectively. Other forms are : 

ts'lele'i his eye 27,8; 86.7, 9; (cf. 54.6) 

dd u ma'l his testicles 130.8; 136.5 

xaHa'm his urine 

gwitli'n his wrist 

There is no doubt, however, that these forms without ending origi- 
nally had a final -f f as indicated by the analogy of third personal 
forms in -da in Scheme II, and as proved by the preservation of the 
-f - before the reflexive suffix -gwa and in monosyllabic forms : 

p!a' a nf his liver 120.2, 15 

m!H K her teats 30.14; 32.7 

tli'H* her husband (17.13) 

sa/H" his discharge of wind 166.8 

Though the conditions for the loss of a final -f are not fully under- 
stood, purely phonetic processes having been evidently largely inter- 
crossed by analogic leveling, it is evident that the proportion will'* 
his house: m'H* her teats = s-as'inl he stands: wit he travels 
about represents a by no means accidental phonetic and morphologic 
correspondence between noun and verb (Class II intransitives) . 
The falling pitch is peculiar to the noun as contrasted with the verb- 
form (cf. 7ie' e l song, but Ml sing!). Monosyllabic stems of Scheme 
III seem to have a rising accent before -tfgwa as well as in the first 
person. Thus : 

lafgwa his own excrement 77.1 

tllfgwa her own husband (despite t!i fi f) 45.14; (59.16; 60.2); 
128.22 

Nouns with characteristic -i- prefer the parallel form in -i'-x-dagwa 
to that in -i'-tgwa. Thus: 

lu u bini'xdagw& his own arm, rather than bu u hini'£gwa, despite 
hu u biniH*F my arm 
The limitation of each of the two schemes to certain definite pho- 
netically determined groups of nouns (though some probably merely 
apparent contradictions, such as ga'l-H^eY my bow and di i£ a y l-flc* 

1 -t'k' always requires preceding rising or raised accent. As gal- bow seems to be inseparably connected 
with a falling accent (very likely because of the catch in its absolute form), it is, after all, probably a phonetic 
reason that causes it to follow Scheme n rather than ILL 

§ 92 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



237 



my forehead, occur), together with the evident if not entirely sym- 
metrical parallelism between the suffixes of both, make it practi- 
cally certain that they are differentiated, owing to phonetic causes, 
from a single scheme. The -a- of -da (-dagwa) and -daba £ n (as con- 
trasted with -f and -H'ban) may be inorganic in origin, and intended 
to support phonetically difficult consonant combinations : 

guxda his wife (from *gih%-t') 13.2; 43.15; 49.6, like %-lasga? touch 
it (from stem lasg-) 

The -e-, however, of -de¥ 32.6 and -de £ 31.1; 59.3 can not be thus 
explained. It is not improbable that part of the endings of Scheme 
III are due to a loss of an originally present vowel, so that the 
primary scheme of pronominal suffixes may have been something like : 

Singular: First person, -d-e¥; second person, -d-e £ ; third person, -f. 
Reflexive : Third person, -f-gwa. Plural : First person, -d-a'm,; second 
person, -t-ba £ n. 

It can hardly be entirely accidental that all the suffixes are char- 
acterized by a dental stop ; perhaps an amalgamation has taken place 
between the original pronominal elements and an old, formerly 
significant nominal element -d-. 

§ 93. POSSESSIVES WITH PRE -POSITIVES 

As examples of possessive affixes attached to nouns with pre- 
positives and to local elements may be taken da¥- over, wa- 1 to, 
liaw-an- under, and 7ia- £ lu- in hand. 



Singular: 

First person . . . 

Second person . . 

Third person . . 
Plural: 

First person . . . 

Second person . . 
Singular reflexive: 

Third person . . 
Plural reflexive: 

Third person . . 



dak'de over me 

dak'da* 

da'k'ddada 

dak'da'm 
da'k'daba s n 

da'k'dagwa 

da'k'dagwan 



wade to me 

wada' s 

wa'ada 

wada'm 
wd'atfban 

wa'Vgwa 

wa'fgwan 



hawande under me 

haivanda' £ 

haica'nda 

hawanda'm 
Mwa'nH'ban 

Jiawa'nfgwa 

hawa'nt'gwan 



haHude in my hand 

haH'uda e 

haH'uda 

haHuda'm 
hazi'uH'ban 

haH'ut'gwa 

haH'uf 



The apparently double ending -dd a da of the third person of daY- 
is not entirely isolated (cf. Tia-ye e wa'x-da a da in their time of return- 
ing; 7ie' e£ ~da a da beyond him), but can not be explained. The use of 

i It is possible that this wa- is etymologically identical with the verbal prefix wa- together. The forms 
of wa- given above are regularly used when reference is had to persons, the postposition ga-a K l being 
employed in connection with things: wa'ada gini' s k' he went to htm (56.11); 148.6; s-om ga-a'l gini' £ k' 

HE WENT TO THE MOUNTAIN (43.6). 

§ 93 



238 BUEEATJ OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

-dagwa and -daha £ n on the one hand, and of -fgwa and - £ fban on the 
other, is determined by the same phonetic conditions as differentiate 
Schemes II and III. A third personal plural in -fan (apparently = -d- 
+ -Jian) is also found: de /e fan in front of them 190.13 (but de' e da 
before him 59.14); xa a -s-ogw% ri fan between them (see below, p. 
240); wa' a fan to them 160.15. A form in -xa seems also to occur 
with third personal plural signification: wa'xa ts'!inl'Hs m !anx he got 

ANGRY AT THEM; dihatiXd AFTER THEM, BEHIND THEIR BACKS 132.13. 

The number of local elements that directly take on possessive suf- 
fixes seems fairly considerable, and includes both such as are body- 
part and local prefixes in the verb (e. g., da¥~) and such as are used 
in the verb only as local prefixes (e. g., wa- y dal-) ; a few seem not to 
be found as verbal prefixes. Not all adverbially used verbal pre- 
fixes, however, can be inflected in the manner of daVde and wade (e. g., 
no *hade can be formed from ha-) . A number of body-part and local 
stems take on a noun-characteristic: 

7iaw-an- under (from Tia-u-) 
xa a -'ham-de L about my waist (from xa a -) 
The local elements that have been found capable of being followed 
by pronominal affixes are : 

daFde over me (56.9; 110.18); 186.4, 5 

wade to me (56.15; 60.1; 63.14; 88.13; 150.18; 194.1) 

xa a liamde about my waist 

gwelda" under it 190.17 

gwe'nda (in Gwenda yu f sa a = being at its nape, i. e., east of it) 

d% H da close in back of him, at his anus 138.2 

dinde behind me (? = verb-prefix dl £ - anus, behind + noun-char- 
acteristic -n-) (86.9; 138.3; 170.1) 

hawande under me (71.1, 5, 12) 

gelde in front of me, for (in behalf of) me 

dede in front of me (59.14; 124.20) 

hd £ yade around me 

M e£ da a da beyond him 148.9 

Jia'nda across, through it 

da'lfgwan among themselves 98.2 

gwen-Jia-ude at my nape; gwen-Jiautfgwa in back of his own neck 
75.2 

di-Jia-ude after I went away, behind my back (132.10; 186.8; 
192.4) 

i It is only the different schemes of personal endings that, at least in part, keep distinct the noun xaaham- 
back and the local element xaaham- on back, about waist: xdaha'm his back, but xdaJia'mda on his 
back, at his waist; xwha'mdam our backs and on our backs. 

§ 93 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 239 

di i£ -a'lda over his eyes, on his forehead (172.3) 
nb'tsladam neighboring us (= stem notsi- next door -f noun- 
characteristic -a-) (98.13) 

When used as local pre-positives with nouns, these local stems drop 
their characteristic affixes, and thus appear in the same form in which 
they are found in the verb (e. g., xa a -gwelde between my legs), 
except that ha-u- under as pre-positive adds an -a-: Jiawa- (e. g., 
hawa-salde under my feet). The various pre-positives found pre- 
fixed to nouns with possessive suffixes are : 

7ia- in 

liawa- under 

daV- over 

dl l - above 

da a - alongside 

al- to, at 

de-, da- in front of 

xa a - between, in middle of 

gwen- at nape, east of 

di s - at rear end, west of 

dot- away from 

Jian- across (?) 

gel- facing 

gwel- under, down from 

The noun itself, as has already been seen, appears with its charac- 
teristic, f ga earth, however, perhaps for some unknown phonetic 
reason, does not retain its characteristic -u- before the possessive 
suffixes (Jia-fgdu in the country 33.7, but 7ia-fga a de in my country 
194.4) Examples of forms of the type haHude in my hand are: 

7ia-dl'fgwa in back of him, in his anus (incorporated dl e ~) 94.11 

da a -yawade * aside from me (literally, alongside my ribs) 

daF-s-alde on top of my feet 198.6; (cf. 44.8) 

Tiawa-luHide under my throat 

daY-s-inl H da over his nose 144.11 

al-guxwida'm woY we have enough of it (literally, to-our-hearts 

it-has-arrived) 128.1 
Jia-wilide in my house (64.2; 88.18; 120.14) 
ha-ye e waxde in my returning (= when I return) (124.15) 
dl-delga'nfgwa behind himself, at his own anus (72.10) 
al-wa a di'Vgwan at one another (literally, to each other's bodies: 

wd a d-i- body) (96.22; 146.2; 190.19) 

i Also dal-yawade aside from me (with verb of throwing) (=literally, away from my ribs). 

§ 93 



240 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

lia-sa'lda (thinking) of her (literally, in her footsteps) 142.13. 

dtf-dande over my ear 

dtf-ts'ldeide over my eyes 

ha-dede in my mouth (170.2; 182.17) 

gwen-boYdande at my nape 

xd a -s'inide resting on my nose (like spectacles) 

gwel- £ wa a dide down from my body 198.4 

Several such forms with apparently simple local signification contain 
after the pre-positive a noun stem not otherwise found : 

xa a -S'ogwida'm between us 

Jia- £ winide inside of me (73.1; 92.17) 

di-bo u wide at my side 

da £ oldide close to me (124.9) (cf. adverb da £ o y l near by 102.6) 

Such a non-independent noun is probably also Jia-u- in gwen-lia-u- 
and di-7ia-u-, both of which were listed above as simple local elements. 

Instances also occur, though far less frequently, of pre-positives 
with two nouns or noun and adjective; the first noun generally 
stands in a genitive relation to the second (cf., § 88, the order in 
juxtaposed nouns), while the second noun is followed by the third 
personal possessive -da. Such are: 

gwen-tga a -ho'¥ dan-da at nape of earth's neck (= east) 79.6; 
102.4 

dl-t' 'gd a -yu'lc !uma a -da at rear of earth's tail (= west) 146.1; 198.9 

Jia-f ga a -yawa' a -da in earth's rib ( = north) (cf. 194.9) 

dd a -xi-ts- !e¥ts- !igi H -da alongside water's backbone ( = not far 
from shore) 

xa a -xi-ts' ! 'ekHs' !igl H da in middle of water's backbone (= equally 
distant from either shore) 112.4 

Ha-ydH-ba'ls-da 1 in its long (i. e., tall) (hols) pines (yal) (= place- 
name) 114.9 

Dl-flol-tsli'l-da over (dl 1 ) its red (tslil) bed (p!ol ditch) 
( = Jump-off Joe creek) 

Al-dan-lclolo'i-da 1 to its rock (da y n) basket (kfoloi) ( = name of 
mountain) 

Rather difficult of explanation is de-de-vrili H -da door, at door of 

house 63.11; 77.15; 176.6, which is perhaps to be literally rendered 

in front of (first de-) house (will) its (-da) mouth (second de-) 

(i. e., in front of doorway). The difficulty with this explanation 

is that it necessitates the interpretation of the second noun as a 

genitive in relation to the first. 

1 Observe falling accent despite rising accent (bals, Jtiolol) of independent noun, -da with pre-positives, 
whether with intervening noun or noun and adjective, consistently demands a falling accent before it. 

§ 93 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 241 

5. Local Phrases (§§ 94-96) 

§ 94. GENERAL REMARKS 

Local phrases without possessive pronouns (i. e., of the type in the 
house, across the river) may be constructed in three ways. 

A local element with third personal possessive suffix may be used 
to define the position, the noun itself appearing in its absolute form 
as an appositive of the incorporated pronominal suffix: 

da'n gwelda x rock under-it (i. e., under the rock) 

da'n handa through the rock 

dan Jia' as ya a da around the rock 

dan da £ oldi fi da near the rock 

dan ge'lda in front of the rock 

dan di'nda behind the rock 

There is observable here, as also in the method nearly always employed 
to express the objective and genitive relations, the strong tendency 
characteristic of Takelma and other American languages to make the 
personal pronominal affixes serve a purely formal purpose as substi- 
tutes for syntactic and local cases. 

The second and perhaps somewhat more common method used to 
build up a local phrase is to prefix to the noun a pre-positive, the 
noun itself appearing in the form it assumes before the addition of 
the normal pronominal suffixes (Schemes II and III) . Thus some of 
the preceding local phrases might have been expressed as : 

gwel-dana s under the rock 

Jian-dana K through the rock 

M' a£ ya-dana^ around the rock 

gel-dana s in front of the rock 

dl s -dana s behind the rock 
These forms have at first blush the appearance of prepositions fol- 
lowed by a local case of the noun, but we have already seen this 
explanation to be inadmissible. 

A third and very frequent form of local phrase is the absolute 
noun followed by a postposition. The chief difference between 
this and the preceding method is the very considerable amount 
of individual freedom that the postposition possesses as contrasted 
with the rigidly incorporated pre-positive. The majority of the 
postpositions consist of a pre-positive preceded by the general 
demonstrative ga- that, da'n gada s ¥ over the rock is thus really 
to be analyzed as rock that-over, an appositional type of local 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2— 12 16 § 94 



242 BTJEEAU OF AMEBIC AN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

phrase closely akin in spirit to that first mentioned: dan da'Vdd a da 

rock over-it. da¥-dana x , according to the second method, is also 

possible. 

§ 95. PRE-POSITIVES 

The pre-positives employed before nouns without possessive suf- 
fixes are identical with those already enumerated (§ 94) as occurring 
with nouns with possessives, except that Jiawa- under seems to be 
replaced by gwel-. It is doubtful also if Jie es - beyond (also Jian- 
across ?) can occur with nouns followed by possessive affixes. 
Examples of pre-positives in local phrases are : 

7ian-gela K m across the river 

7ian-waxga y n across the creek 

Tian-pHycf across the fire 168.19 

~ka f -waxga s n in the creek 

Jia-xiya s in the water 58.6; 60.3; 61.11; 63.16 

Jia-bini" in the middle 176.15 (cf. de-bi s n first, last 150.15) 

ha-p!ola y in the ditch 

lia-gwa a lcfm in the road 62.6; 158.19 

ha-s'ugwan in the basket (cf. 124.18) 

xa r -s'd u ma"l halfway up the mountain 

xd a -gulma y n among oaks 

xd a -xo (yd' a ) (right) among firs (cf. 94.17) 

gwel-xi'ya under water 156.19 

gwel-tgdu down to the ground 176.8 

dd a -ts!d a wa y n by the ocean 59.16 

dd a -fgdu alongside the field 

gwen-tfgdu east of the field 55.4; 56.4 

gwen-waxga s n east along the creek 

Gwen-p K un¥ place-name ( = east of rotten [p'u y n]) 114.14 

de-wili in front of the house ( = out of doors) 70.4 

daV-s'd u ma s l on top of the mountain 188.15 

daV-will over the house 59.2; 140.5 

da¥-p!iya s over the fire 24.6, 7 

he ee -s-d u ma x l beyond the mountain 124.2; 196.13 

al-s'd u ma V Z at, to the mountain 136.22; 152.8; 192.5,7,8 

Jid /£ ya-p!iya^ on both sides of the fire 176.12 

Jid ,$ ya-S'd u ma y l on both sides of the mountain 152.2 

di-fgdU west of the field 55.3 

dl-waxga s n some distance west along the creek 

di-s'd u ma y l at foot ([ ?] = in rear) of the mountain 

Dl il -dala y 'm place-name ( = over the rock [ ? ]) 

Gel-ydW place-name ( = abreast of pines) 112.13 

i Perhaps really DV-dakfm west of the rock (?). 

§ 95 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 243 

A few cases of compound pre-positives occur : 

7ia-gwel-p !iya y under the ashes (literally, in-under-the-flre) 

118.4 
Jia-gwel-xiya* at bottom of the water 60.12, 14 
Tia-gwel-fge /e mfgam down in dark places 196.7 

An example of a pre-positive with a noun ending in pre-pronominal 
-x is afforded by ha-dd a nx molJiiH' in-ear red 14.4; 15.13; 88.2 
(alongside of dd a molhi y f red-eared 15.12; 86.6). It is somewhat 
doubtful, because of a paucity of illustrative material, whether local 
phrases with final pre-pronominal -x can be freely used. 

§ 96. POSTPOSITIONS 

Not all pre-positives can be suffixed to the demonstrative ga- to 
form postpositions; e. g., no *gaha K , *gaha y n, *gagwe y l are found in 
Takelma. Very few other words (adverbs) are found in which what 
are normally pre-positives occupy the second place: me /£ al toward 
this direction 58.9; ye'Vdal in the brush 71..3. Instead of -ha in, 
-na y u is used, an element that seems restricted to the postposition 
gancfu in. The ^a-postpositions that have been found are: 

gada'F on 48.15; 49.1 

gidl* (= ga-dl 1 ) on, over 49.12 

gidi /£ {=ga-di' £ ) in back 

gana'um ±7.2; 61.13; 64.4; 110.9 

gada y l among 94.12 

gtfcfl to, for, at, from 43.6; 44.4; 55.6; 58.11 

gada a by, along 60.1 

gaxa a between 

gede in front (?) 28.8, 9 

and possibly : 

gasal in adverb gasaflhi quickly 28.10; 29.14; 160.1 

Examples of their use are : 

wi'li gadcfY on top of the house 14.9; 15.5 

da'n gada^Y on the rock 

£ga a gidi upon the land 49.12 

p!l* gada^l in between the fire 94.12 

da'n gada y l among rocks 

da'n gadd alongside the rocks (cf. 60.1) 

wuHham-Jioidigwia gadd a gini ,£ V he went right by where there 

was round-dancing (literally, menstruation-dancing-with by 

he-went) 106.13 
el gana y u in the canoe 96.24; 112.3 

§ 96 



244 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

dola' gono x u in the old tree 24.1 

wo-iwl H fo'go £ o s l to the female 15.14 

go! go £ o y l for that reason 50.2; 124.6; 146.20, 21; 188.6; 194.11 

bixal wi £ in-wi' £ ga £ al yo! £ he goes every month (literally, month 

different-every at he-goes) 
do!n goxd a between the rocks 
dm gede y right at the falls 33.13 
YuYyo'Ywo gede 1 right by Ytik'ya'kVa 188.17 

Postpositions may be freely used with nouns provided with a pos- 
sessive suffix; e. g., elo'tfY godo!Y on my tongue; will' 1 gano!u in 
his house, cf. 194.7. There is no ascertainable difference in significa- 
tion between such phrases and the corresponding pre-positive forms, 
doY-elode and 7ia-wili fi da. Sometimes a postposition takes in a 
group of words, in which case it may be enclitically appended to the 
first: 

IcHyi'x gan y ou ha-igina' 'xdd a smoke in its- going- out ( = [hole] in 
which smoke is to go out) 176.7 

Although local phrases involving a postposition are always pro- 
nounced as one phonetic unit, and the postpositions have become, 
psychologically speaking, so obscured in etymology as to allow of 
their being preceded by the demonstrative with which they are them- 
selves compounded (cf. go go £ o!l above), they have enough individu- 
ality to render them capable of being used quasi-adverbially without 
a preceding noun : 

godo'Y s'u £ wil%fe £ I sat on him 

godoY ts!o a Yts!o'Yde £ I step on top of it (148.17) 

gidl 1 golxgwo thereon eating ( = table) 

gidi' £ -M closer and closer (literally, right in back) 

godd a yeweyo!Y w he got even with him (literally, alongside he- 
returned-having-him) 17.5 

mol yoxo oboH dul gede" salmon-spear-shaft only in-house, spear- 
point thereby 28.7, 9 

gl 1 gono!u I am inside 

go'nau nogo! i£ wiliYY he went through my house (literally, in 
he-did my-house[for nogo! i£ see § 69]) cf. 78.5 

Other postpositions than those compounded with go- are : 

do £ oH near (cf . do £ ol- as pre-positive in do £ oldide near me) : 

wili'VY do £ o y l near my house 
wo with (also as incorporated instrumental wo-, § 38) 25.5; 47.5 

i Yuk'ya'k'wa gadavras said to be preferable, whence it seems possible that gede is not really equivalent 
to go. that + de- in front, but is palatalized as adverb (see below, § 104) from gadaa. 

§ 96 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 245 

lia-bini K in the middle: will Jia f -bini Sl in the middle of the house; 

ha-be e -binV noon (literally, in-sun [ = day]-middle) 126.21; 

186.8 
-di s s away : eme' £ dis away from here ; dedewili H dadi K s ( ? outside of) 

the door 176.6 

It is peculiar that mountain-names generally have a prefix al- and 

a suffix -dis: 

al-dauya' a Ywa-dis (cf. dauya' a Y w supernatural helper) 172.1 
al-wila' 'mxa-dis 
al-sawent' a-dis 

That both al- and -dis are felt not to be integral parts of these 
mountain-names is shown by such forms as Jie^-wila'mxa beyond 
Alwila'mxadis 196.14 and aI-dauya /a Y w . In all probability they are 
to be explained as local phrases, at, to (al-) . . . distant (-dis), 
descriptive of some natural peculiarity or resident supernatural 
being. 

Differing apparently from other postpositions in that it requires 
the preceding noun to appear in its pre-pronominal form (i. e., with 
final -x if it is provided with it in Scheme II forms) is wa'Yi e with- 
out, which would thus seem to occupy a position intermediate 
between the other postpositions and the pre-positives. Examples are : 

ts-lelei wa'Yi £ without eyes 26.14; 27.6 
dagax wa'Yi e without head 
yuklalx wa'Yi B without teeth 57.4 
nixa wa'Yi s motherless 

As shown by the last example, terms of relationship whose third 
personal possessive suffix is -xa (-a) use the third personal form as 
the equivalent of the pre-pronominal form of other nouns (cf. also 
§ 108, 6), a fact that casts a doubt on the strictly personal character 
of the -xa suffix. No third personal idea is possible, e. g., in maxa 
wa'Yi £ eltfe £ i am fathekless. waYi £ is undoubtedly related to wa 
with; the -Yi e may be identical with the conditional particle (see § 71). 

On the border-line between loosely used preposition and inde- 
pendent adverb are nogwa s below, down river from (? =no u down 
river + demonstrative ga that) : nogwa will below the house 
76.7; and hinwa^ above, up river from (cf. Mna y u up river) : Tii'nwa 
will above the house 77.1. 

i Properly speaking, ha-bini y is a pre-positive phrase from noun-stem bin- (cf. de-bin first, last, and 
[?] bilgan-x- breast [ ? = middle part of body-front]) with characteristic -i-. bee-bin- sun's middle is 
compounded like, e. g., t'gda- bok'dan- earth's neck above (§ 93). 

§ 96 



246 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY Tbull. 40 

6. Post-nominal Elements (§§ 97-102) 

§ 97. GENERAL REMARKS 

Under the head of post-nominal elements are included a small 
group of suffixes which, though altogether without the distinct indi- 
viduality characteristic of local postpositions, are appended to the 
fully formed noun, pronoun, or adjective, in some cases also adverb, 
serving in one way or another to limit or extend the range of appli- 
cation of one of these denominating or qualifying terms. The line 
of demarcation between these post-nominal elements and the more 
freely movable modal particles discussed below (§ 114) is not very 
easy to draw; the most convenient criterion of classification is the 
inability of what we have termed post-nominal elements to attach 
themselves to verb-forms. 

§ 98. EXCLUSIVE -fa 

The suffix -fa is freely appended to nouns and adjectives, less fre- 
quently to pronouns, in order to specify which one out of a number 
is meant; the implication is always that the particular person, object, 
or quality mentioned is selected out of a number of alternative and 
mutually exclusive possibilities. When used with adjectives -fa has 
sometimes the appearance of forming the comparative or superlative ; 
e. g.j aga (1) t!os'd' u fa (2) this (1) is smaller (2), but such an inter- 
pretation hardly hits the truth of the matter. The sentence just 
quoted really signifies this is small (not large like that). As a 
matter of fact, -fa is rather idiomatic in its use, and not susceptible 
of adequate translation into English, the closest rendering being 
generally a dwelling of the voice on the corresponding English word. 
The following examples illustrate its range of usage : 

hapxit !i fi t*& child male (not female) (i. e., boy) 14.1; 156.8 

wa-iwi fi Va, ga £ al yewe' i£ the- woman to he-turned (i. e., he now 
proceeded to look at the woman, after having examined her 
husband) 15.14 

mdha'iVa, a'nl £ gwi na £ naga' i£ the-big (brother) not in-any-way 
he-did (i. e., the older brother did nothing at all, while his 
younger brother got into trouble) 23.6; (58.3) 

aga waxaVa, xebe' £ n this his-younger-br other did-it (not he him- 
self) 

~k!wa f lV& younger one 24.1; 58.6 
§§ 97-98 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 247 

a'Fdn duVa, gV-s-i* l'lts!a¥ w eife £ he (a¥) (is) handsome (du) 

I-but ugly I-am 
ft's-i naxdeY dl-ts!i'lVa, & give-me my-pipe red-one (implying 

others of different color) 
waga'Va, 3 - di which one? 
aga t!os-d fu t*& I'daga yaxa maha'iVeL this (is) small, that but 

large (cf 128.7) 
I'daga s'd u£ maha'iV& that-one (is) altogether-big ( = that one 

is biggest) 

It seems that, wherever possible, -fa keeps its f intact. To prevent 
its becoming -da (as in a'Vda above) an inorganic a seems to be 
added in: 

IcIulsa'VsL* soft 57.9 (cf. ~k!u s h worm; more probably directly from 
JcIulsaY 130.22) 

§ 99. PLURAL {-fan, -han, -k!an) 

As a rule, it is not considered necessary in Takelma to specify the 
singularity or plurality of an object, the context generally serving to 
remove the resulting ambiguity. In this respect Takelma resembles 
many other American languages. The element -(a)n, however, is 
not infrequently employed to form a plural, but this plural is of 
rather indefinite application when the noun is supplied with a third 
personal possessive suffix (compare what was said above, § 91, in 
regard to -gwan) . The fact that the plurality implied by the suffix 
may have reference to either the object possessed or to the possessor 
or to both (e. g., beya'nhan his daughteks or their daughter, 
their daughters) makes it very probable that we are here dealing, 
not with the simple idea of plurality, but rather with that of reci- 
procity. It is probably not accidental that the plural -{a)n agrees 
phonetically with the reciprocal element -an- found in the verb. In 
no case is the plural suffix necessary in order to give a word its full 
syntactic form; it is always appended to the absolute noun or to the 
noun with its full complement of characteristic and pronominal affix. 

The simple form -(a)n of the suffix appears only in the third per- 
sonal reflexive possessive -gwa-n (see § 91) and, apparently, the third 
personal possessive -fan of pre-positive local phrases (see p. 238). 
Many absolute nouns ending in a vowel, or in I, m, or n, also nouns 
with personal affixes (including pre-positives with possessive suffixes) 
other than that of the third person, take the form -han of the plural 

§ 99 



248 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



suffix; the -h- may be a phonetically conditioned rather than mor- 
phologically significant element. Examples are : 

Noun 

slnsan decrepit old woman 



ts'H'xi dog 

ya'pla person 176.1, 12 
el canoe 13.5; 112.3, 5 
wiJc!u u ya y m my friend 
wits' !ai my nephew 22.1 
bo u fbidif¥ my orphan child 
no'tslade neighboring to me 
UndeO mother! 186.14 



Plural 

slnsanh&n 
ts'!ixi'h&n. 

yap!a'h.SLii 32.4 

6lhan 

wik luuyti'mh&ii 

wits-laihun 23.8, 10; 150.4 

bdH'bidifFh&n 

no' 'ts fade e han 

hindehsm O mothers! 76.10, 13 



A large number of chiefly personal words and all nouns provided 
with a possessive suffix of the third person take -fan as the plural 
suffix; the -fan of local adverbs or nouns with pre-positives has 
been explained as composed of the third personal suffix -f and the 
pluralizing element -han: no f ts!a a fan his neighbors. In some cases, 
as in wa-wl H fan girls 55.16; 106.17, -fan may be explained as 
composed of the exclusive -fa discussed above and the plural -n. 
The fact, however, that -fan may itself be appended both to this 
exclusive -fa and to the full third personal form of nouns not pro- 
vided with a pre-positive makes it evident that the -fa- of the plural 
suffix -fan is an element distinct from either the exclusive -fa or 
third personal -f. -fa a fa-n is perhaps etymologically as well as 
phonetically parallel to the unexplained -da a da of da'Vda a da over 
him (see §93). Examples of -fan are: 



Noun 

lomt.'i'* old man 112.3,9 

126.19 
mologoH old woman 

170.10 
wa-iwl' 1 girl 124.5, 10 



Plural 



114.10; lomtfl^Vsm 
168.11; mologo'lV&n 



a'i-M" just they (cf. 49.11; 138.11) 
ts' Hxi-mahaH horse 
lo u si ;i his plaything 110.6, 11 
mo' u fa a his son-in-law 

t!ela x louse (116.3,6) 

hapxi-tn /i fa a boy 14.6; 156.8, 10 
\dap!a'la-u youth 132.13; 190.2 
\bala y u young 

wo u na'V w old 57.1; 168.2 



wa-iwl H V a,n 

106.17 
a'it'an they 
ts ' !ixi-maha'it ' an 
Zd M s^Van 
md' u fa a t'&ii their 



55.16; 60.2; 



sister s 



husband 1 150.22; 152.4, 
t!ela /a Vsm 

7iapxi-t!l H fd a Vsni 160.14 
dapla'la-uVem 132.12 
bala'ut'eLii 
wd u na'F w dim 



1 mot'- seems to indicate not only the daughter's husband, but also, in perhaps a looser sense, the rela- 
tives gained by marriage of the sister. 

§ 99 



boas] HANDBOOK; OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — -TAKELMA 249 

The plural form -Tclan is appended to nouns in -la' pa and to the 
third personal -xa{-a) of terms of relationship. As -7c!- 1 is appended 
to nouns in -la'pa also before the characteristic -i- followed by a 
possessive suffix, it is clear that -k!an is a compound suffix consisting 
of an unexplained -kl- and the plural element -{a)n. Examples of 
-Iclan are: 

tftHa'paklsLU men 128.11; 130.1, 7, 25; 132.17 

V aHa' p oM&tl women 184.13 

mologola'p'akl&n old women 57.14; 128.3, 10 (also rnologo'lfari) 

o'pxakl an her elder brothers 124.16, 20; 134.8; 138.7 

Vaba' mk!an his, their sons 132.10; 156.14 

ma'mklan their father 130.19, 21; 132.12 

fawaxaklan their younger sister 148.5 

Jcla'saklsm their maternal grandmother 154.13; 156.8, 15, 18, 21 

§ 100. DUAL -dil 

The suffix -dil(-diH) is appended to a noun or pronoun to indicate 
the duality of its occurrence, or to restrict its naturally indefinite or 
plural application to two. It is not a true dual in the ordinary sense 
of the word, but indicates rather that the person or object indicated 
by the noun to which it is suffixed is accompanied by another person 
or object of the same kind, or by a person or object mentioned before 
or after; in the latter case it is equivalent to and connecting two 
denominating terms. Examples illustrating its use are: 

gd u mdV\ we two (restricted from go u m we) 

gadll gb u m ihemxinigam we two, that one and I, will wrestle 

(literally, that-one-and-another [namely, I] we we-shall- 

wrestle) 30.5 
sgi'sidVl two coyotes (literally, coyote-and-another [coyote]) 
waxadVl two brothers (lit., [he] and his younger brother) 26.12 
sgisi ni'xadVl Coyote and his mother 54.2 

The element -dil doubtless occurs as an adjective stem meaning 
all, every, in aldil all 134.4 (often heard also as aldl 47.9; 110.16; 
188.1); TiadediWa everywhere 43.6; 92.29; and hafga a dilfa in 

EVERY LAND 122.20. 

§ 101. -wi'e every 

This element is freely appended to nouns, adjectives, and adverbs, 
but has no independent existence of its own. Examples are : 

5e e wi /£ every day (literally, every sun) 42.1; 158.17 
xu f£ nwi £ every night (xu' £ n, xu /£ ne y night, at night) 

i It was found extremely difficult, despite repeated trials, for some reason or other, to decide as to whether 
-fc/- or -g- was pronounced, -k.'i- and -k.'an may thus be really -gi- and -gan. 

H 100-101 



250 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

bixal wi £ inwi ,£ ba-i-wili' u£ month comes after month (literally, 

moon different-each out-goes) 
gwel- £ wa¥wiwi £ every morning (gwel- £ wak K wi £ morning 44.1) 
da-7io u xawi' £ every evening 
ha-be e -biniwi' £ every noon 

Yaiwi ,£ everything, something (Fa-, Yai- what, thing) 180.5, 6 
ada' fwi £ everywhere, to each 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 

As illustrated by ¥aiwi /£ , the primary meaning of -wi £ is not so 
much every as that it refers the preceding noun or adverb to a 
series. It thus conveys the idea of some in: 

dal £ wi' £ sometimes, in regard to some 57.12 
xa £ newi ,£ sometimes 132.25 

With pronouns it means too, as well as others: 

gl { wi /£ I too 
ma a wi' £ you too 58.5 

Like -dll, -wi £ may be explained as a stereotyped adjectival stem 

that has developed into a quasi-formal element. This seems to be 

indicated by the derivative wi £ i y n every, different 49.1; 160.20; 

188.12. 

§ 102. DEICTIC -^ 

It is quite likely that the deictic - £ a v is etymologically identical 
with the demonstrative stem a- this, though no other case has been 
found in which this stem follows the main noun or other word it 
qualifies. It differs from the exclusive -fa in being less distinctly a 
part of the whole word and in having a considerably stronger con- 
trastive force. Unlike -fa, it may be suffixed to adverbs as well as 
to words of a more strictly denominative character. Examples of 
its occurrence are extremely numerous, but only a very few of these 
need be given to illustrate its deictic character: 

ma £ ^ you ([I am ,] but you ) 26.3; 56.5; (cf. 49.8, 13) 

maha'i £ a, K big indeed 

#aV ge will'* that one's house is there (literally, that-one there 

his-house [ that house yonder belongs to that fellow Coyote, not 

to Panther, whom we are seeking]) 55.4; cf. 196.19 
bo u£ 2b x but nowadays (so it was in former da3 T s, but now things 

have changed) 50.1; 194.5 
ge'-hi gi i£ a? yok!oya ,£ n that-far I-for-niy-part know-it (others may 

know more) 49.13; 154.7 
pVm £ a v gayau he ate salmon (nothing else. 
§ 102 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 251 

in. The Pronoun (§§ 103-105) 
§ 103, Independent Personal Pronouns 

The independent personal pronouns of Takelma, differing in this 
respect from what is found to be true of most American languages, 
show not the slightest etymological relationship to any of the various 
pronominal series found incorporated in noun and verb, except in so 
far as the second person plural is formed from the second person sin- 
gular by the addition of the element -p* that we have found to be 
characteristic of every second person plural in the language. The 
forms, which may be used both as subjects and objects, are as 
follows : 

Singular: First person, gl 56.10; 122.8; second person, ma s (md a ) 
26.7; 98.8; third person, aV 27.5; 156.12. Plural: First person, 
go u m 30.5; 150.16; second person, map*; third person di 49.11; 
xilamana s 27.10; 56.1 

Of the two third personal plural pronouns, di is found most fre- 
quently used with post-positive elements; e. g., dyd' a just they 
(= ai yd' a ) 160.6; d f£ ya s they (= di- £ a y ) 49.11. When unaccom- 
panied by one of these, it is generally pluralized: d'itfan (see § 99). 
The second, xilamana^, despite its four syllables, has not in the 
slightest yielded to analysis. It seems to be but little used in normal 
speech or narrative. 

All the pronouns may be emphasized by the addition of -wi £ (see 
§101), the deictic - £ a y (see §102), or the post-positive particles yd' a 
and enclitic -hi and -s'i £ (see § 114, 1, 2, 4): 

mayd' a just you 196.2 

ma'M you yourself 

dihi" they themselves 104.13 (cf. 152.20) 

gl i s'i ,£ I in my turn 47.14; 188.8; (cf. 61.9) 

A series of pronouns denoting the isolation of the person is formed 
by the addition of -da £ x or -da /£ xi ( = -da £ x + -hi) to the forms given 
above : 

gVda^xii) only I 

md a da ,£ x{i) you alone 

d¥da £ x{i) all by himself 61.7; 90.1; 142.20; 144.6 

go u mda /£ x(i) we alone 

mdp K da £ x(i) you people alone 

dida ,£ x{%) they alone 138.11 

§ 103 



252 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The third personal pronouns are not infrequently used with pre- 
ceding demonstratives : 

7ia' £ ga (or i'daga) a¥da £ x that one by himself (a¥ used here 
apparently as a peg for the suffixed element -da £ x by one's self) 
~hd £ d'iCan and %da £ d'itan those people 

7id £ - and Ida-, it should be noted, are demonstrative stems that occur 
only when compounded with other elements. 

The independent possessive pronouns (it is) mine, thine, his, 
ours, yours, are expressed by the possessive forms of the substan- 
tival stem ais'- having, belonging, property: a-is'de y Y it is mine 
23.2; 154.18, 19, 20; a-is'de f£ yours ;• a'-is-da his 23.2, 3; (156.7) 
and so on. These forms, though strictly nominal in morphology, 
have really no greater concreteness of force than the English transla- 
tions mine, thine, and so on. 

§ 104. Demonstrative JPronouns and Adverbs 

Four demonstrative stems, used both attributively and substan- 
tively, are found: a-, ga, Ida-, and Jid a£ -. Of these only ga that 
occurs commonly as an independent word ; the rest, as the first ele- 
ments of composite forms. The demonstratives as actually found 
are: 

Indefinite, ga that 60.5; 61.2; 110.4; 194.4,5 
Near first, a'ga this 44.9; 186.4; all this here 110.2; 188.20 
Near second. I'daga that 116.22; Idall that there 55.16 
Near third. 7ia' a£ ga that yonder 186.5; JiaHl that over there 

a- has been found also as correlative to ga- with the forms of na(g)- 
do, say: 

ana £ ne s x like this 176.13 (ga-na £ ne K x that way, thus 114.17; 

122.20) 
ana £ na' £ t it will be as it is now cf. 152.8 (ga-na £ na /£ f it will be 

that way) 
perhaps also in: 

ada't'wi £ everywhere ( = adaH ' this way, hither [see § 1 12, 1] + -wi /£ 

every) 30.12; 74.2; 120.13 

Ida- (independently 46.5; 47.5; 192.6) seems to be itself a compound 
element, its first syllable being perhaps identifiable with %- hand. 
ida £ a'ifan and ~ka a£ a'it K an, referred to above, are in effect the sub- 
stantive plurals of i'daga and ha' a£ ga. 7ia a£ - as demonstrative pro- 
noun is doubtless identical with the local Jid a£ - yonder, beyond, 
found as a prefix in the verb. 
§ 104 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 253 

By far the most commonly used of the demonstratives is that of 
indefinite reference, ga. It is used as an anaphoric pronoun to refer 
to both things and persons of either number, also to summarize a pre- 
ceding phrase or statement. Not infrequently the translation that 
or those is too definite; a word of weaker force, like it, better 
serves the purpose. The association of %'daga and lia' a£ ga with spa- 
cial positions corresponding to the second and third persons respec- 
tively does not seem to be at all strong, and it is perhaps more accu- 
rate to render them as that right around there and that yonder. 
Differing fundamentally in this respect from adjectives, demonstra- 
tive pronouns regularly precede the noun or other substantive ele- 
ment they modify: 

a'ga sgi'si this coyote 108.1 

%'daga yap!a y that person 

ga £ aldil all that, all of those 47.12 

A demonstrative pronoun may modify a noun that is part of a local 
phrase : 

%'daga Jie e£ s'd u ma y l beyond that mountain 122.22; 124.1 
Corresponding to the four demonstrative pronoun-stems are four 
demonstrative adverb-stems, derived from the former by a change 
of the vowel -a- to -e-\ e-, ge, %de-, and he e£ -. Just as ga that was 
found to be the only demonstrative freely used as an independent 
pronoun, so ge there, alone of the four adverbial stems, occurs outside 
of compounds, e-, %de-, and lie e£ -, however, are never compounded 
with ge, as are a-, Ida-, and Jia a£ - with its pronominal correspondent 
ga; a fifth adverbial stem of demonstrative force, me £ (hither as 
verbal prefix), takes its place. The actual demonstrative adverbs 
thus are: 

Indefinite, ge there 64.6; 77.9; 194.11 

Near first. eme' £ here 112.12, 13; 194.4; me £ - hither 

Near second. %'deme £ right around there 46.15 

Near third. he' e£ me £ yonder 31.13 

Of these, me £ ~, the correlative of Jie e£ -, can be used independently 
when followed by the local -al : me' £ al on this side, hither wards 
58.9; 160.4. Tie e£ - away, besides frequently occurring as a verbal 
prefix, is found as a component of various adverbs : 

lie e dada' £ , he e da' £ over there, away from here, off 46.8; 194.10 

-fo'W then, at that time 120.2; 146.6; 162.3 

Jie' £ daY on that side, toward yonder § 104 



254 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

me £ - can be used also with the adverb ge of indefinite reference pre- 
ceding; the compound, followed by di, is employed in an interroga- 
tive sense: geme ,£ di where? when? 56.10; 100.16; 190.25. The 
idea of direction in the demonstrative adverbs seems less strong 
than that of position: ~he' e£ me £ haxa' £ m he comes from over there, 
as well as he' e£ me £ gini' £ ~k K he goes over there . me £ - and he e£ - (Jia a£ -) , 
however, often necessarily convey the notions of toward and away 
from the speaker : me' £ -yewe i£ ha' a£ -yewe i£ he came and went back 

AND FORTH. 

Demonstrative adverbs may take the restrictive suffix -da £ x or 
-daba f£ x (cf. -da £ x with personal pronouns, §103): 
eme £ da' £ x 114.4, 5 



, here alone 
eme £ daba £ x 114.14J 

§ 105. Interrogative and Indefinite Pronouns 

As independent words, the interrogative and indefinite stems occur 
with adverbs or adverbial particles, being found in their bare form 
only when incorporated. The same stems are used for both inter- 
rogative and indefinite purposes, a distinction being made between 
persons and things: 

neF who? some one 86.2, 23; 108.11 
Fai what? something 86.5; 122.3; 128.8 

As independent adverb also perhaps : 

Fai tlumuxi perhaps he'll strike me 23.3 
As interrogatives, these stems are always followed by the interroga 
tive enclitic particle di, Fai always appearing as Fa- when di imme- 
diately follows: 

ne'F-di who? 46.15; 86.4; 142.9 
Fa'-di whatl 47.9; 60.11; 86.8 

Fa'i . . . di occurs with post-positive ga £ a y l: 

Fa'i ga £ al di" what for? why? 71.15; 86.14; 98.8 
As indefinites, they are often followed by the composite particle 
-s'i £ wa'Fdi: 

neF-s'i £ wa'Fdi I don't know who, somebody 22.8 
FoA-s'i £ wa'Fdi I don't know what, something 96.10 

As negative indefinites, neF and Fai are preceded by the negative 
adverb a'n% £ or wede, according to the tense-mode of the verb (see 

§72): 
§ 105 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 255 

a'ni s ne y F nobody 63.4; 90.8, 25 

a'ni'Fa'i nothing 58.14; 61.6; 128.23 

we'de neF u's'iF nobody will give it to me (cf. 98.10) 

we'de Fai u's'dam do not give me anything 

With the post-nominal -wi' £ every, Fai forms Faiwi' £ everything, 
something. No such form as *neFwi' £ , however, occurs, its place 
being taken by aldil, aldl all, everybody. In general, it may be 
said that Fai iias more of an independent substantival character 
than neF ; it corresponds to the English thing in its more indefinite 
sense, e. g., Fa'i gwala many things, everything 96.15; 102.11; 
108.8 

The adverbial correspondent of Fai is gwi how? where? 46.2; 
78.5. In itself gwi is quite indefinite in signification and is as such 
often used with the forms of na(g)- do, act 47.11 ; 55.7: 

gwi'di nagaif how are you doing? (e. g., where are you going?) 
86.17; (138.25) 

As interrogative, it is followed by di: 

gwi'dihowt where? 44.5; 70.6; 73.9; 190.10 

as indefinite, by -s'i $ wa'Fdi (cf. 190.4) : 

gwis'i £ wa'Fdi in someway, somewhere 54.7; 96.8; 120.21 (also 
gwi'Jiap* somewhere) 

as negative indefinite, it is preceded by a'ni £ or wede: 

a f ni e gwi 1 in no way, nowhere 23.6; 62.11; 192.14 
we'de gwi naY do not go anywhere! 

As indefinite relative is used gwi'lia wheresoever 140.9, 13, 15, 19. 

IV. The Adjective (§§ 106-109) 

§ 106. General Remarks 

Adjectives can not in Takelma without further ado be classed as 
nouns or verbs, as they have certain characteristics that mark them 
off more or less clearly from both; such are their distinctly adjectival 
suffixes and their peculiar method of forming the plural. In some 
respects they closely approach the verb, as in the fact that they are 
frequently preceded by body-part prefixes, also in the amplification 
of the stem in the plural in ways analogous to what we have found 
in the verb. They differ, however, from verbal forms in that they 
can not be predicatively used (except that the simple form of the 
adjective may be predicatively understood for an implied third per- 
son), nor provided with the pronominal suffixes peculiar to the verb; 

§ 106 



256 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

a first or second personal relation is brought about by the use of 
appropriate forms of the copula ei~ be. They agree with the noun 
and pronoun in being frequently followed by the distinctly denomi- 
native exclusive suffix -fa (see § 98) and in the fact that, when 
forming part of a descriptive noun, they may take the personal end- 
ings peculiar to the noun: 

is' lixi-maha'if eV dog-big-my ( = my horse) 
As adjectives pure and simple, however, they are never found with 
the possessive suffixes peculiar to the noun; e. g., no such form as 
*maha f i£ey alone ever occurs. It thus appears that the adjective 
occupies a position midway between the noun and the verb, yet with 
characteristics peculiar to itself. The most marked syntactic feature 
of the adjective is that, unlike a qualifying noun, it always follows 
the modified noun, even when incorporated with it (see § 93) . Ex- 
amples are: 

wa-iwl H du girl pretty 55.7; 124.5 
yap! a daldi" person wild 22.14 

sgi' 'si da-sga' 'xif Coyote sharp-snouted 86.3, 20; 88.1, 11 
p'im xu s m yele s x debii ,£ salmon dry burden-basket full ( = burden- 
basket full of dry salmon) 75.10 

Karely does it happen that the adjective precedes, in which case 
it is to be predicatively understood : 

gwa'la yap!a s many (were) the people 180.16 (but ya'pla gwala s 
people many 194.10) 

Even when predicatively used, however, the adjective regularly fol- 
lows the noun it qualifies. Other denominating words or phrases 
than adjectives are now and then used to predicate a statement or 
command : 

yv!~klalx (1) wa'¥i £ (2), ga (3) ga s al (4) deligia'lfi (5) gwas (6) [as 
they were] without (2) teeth (1), for (4) that (3) [reason] they 
brought them as food (5) intestines (6) 130.22 
masi ,£ (1) al-na a na f£ n (2) naga-ida' e (3) [do] you in your turn (1) 
[dive], since you said (3) " I can get close to him " (2) 61.9 

§ 107. Adjectival Prefixes 

Probably all the body-part prefixes and also a number of the 
purely local elements are found as prefixes in the adjective. The 
material at hand is not large enough to enable one to follow out the 
prefixes of the adjective as satisfactorily as those of the verb; but 

§ 107 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 257 

there is no reason to believe that there is any tangible difference of 
usage between the two sets. Examples of prefixes in the adjective 
are: 

1. dak'-, 

dedz'-mafiaH big on top 
dak'-du'l £ s big-headed 

2. da"-. 

d^-molhiY red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 96.13 
dsf-Tio'Tc' wal with holes in ear 166.13, 19 
dsf-mahaH big-cheeked 

3. S'in-. 

s'm-7io'¥wal with holes in nose 166.13, 18 
s-m-hii's-gal big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 
s'in-p'i'l £ s flat-nosed 

4. de-. 

de-ts'!ugilH\ de-ts'!ugu' u sharp-pointed 74.13; 126.18 

de-fulu' £ p' dull 

de- £ winiY proceeding, reaching to 50.4 

5. da-, 

d&-sga'xi(V) long-mouthed 15.13; 86.3; 88.1, 11 
d&sgulV short 33.17 
da,-Jio'Vwal holed 176.7 
do,-maJia y i big-holed 92.4 
dsL-t!os-d' u small-holed 

6. given-, 

gwen-xdi'l £ s slim-necked 
gwen-f ge s m black-necked 196.6 

7. %-. 

i-ts'!o'p'al sharp-clawed 14.4; 15.13; 86.3 
l-ge'wa £ x crooked-handed 
l-k!ok!o x V ugly-handed 

8. xd a -. 

xsL^-mahaH big-waisted, wide 

x.&^-xdi'tfs slim-waist ed, notched 71.15; 75.6 

9. dP-, 

■ dV-JcIelix conceited 

10. dl £ -. 

di s ^maJiaH big below, big behind 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 17 . § 107 



258 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

di £ -~k!a y ls lean in rump 

11. gwel-. 

ha-gwel-bila^m empty underneath, like table (cf. Jia-bila y m 

empty) 
gwel-Jio'Vwal holed underneath 43, 9. 

12. ha-. 

h.dL-bila y m empty (literally, having nothing inside, cf. bila y m 
having nothing 43.6, 8, 14) 

13. sal-. 

sal-t!a'i narrow 
s&\-ts' !una y px straight 

14. al-. (Referring to colors and appearances) 
al-f ge s m black 13.3; 162. 4 

&\-ts'!i s l red 

&-fgu' ie 8- white 55.2; 188.11 

&l-sgenUY black 92.19 

%X-gwa'si yellow 

sX-fgisa y mt* green (participle of fgisi' s m it gets green) 

al-Jdiyi'x-natf blue (literally, smoke-doing or being) 

&\-k!oJc!oW ugly-faced 47.2; 60.5 

el-to's'W little-eyed 94.3; (94.6, 14) 

al-fgeya y px round 

al-fmilcfpx smooth 

15. han-. 

h.3bii-hogwa y l with hole running through 56.9, 10 
A few cases have been found of adjectives with preceding nouns in 
such form as they assume with pre-positive and possessive suffix: 

da'7c!oloi-ts'!il red-cheeked 
gwitlm-tla'i slim- wrist ed 

An example of an adjective preceded by two body-part prefixes has 
already been given (Jia-gwel-bilcfm) . Here both prefixes are coordi- 
nate in function (cf. Tia-gwel-pHya? , § 95). In: 

xa a -sal-gwa'si between-claws-yellow (myth name of Sparrow- 
Hawk) 166.2 

the two body-part prefixes are equivalent to an incorporated local 
phrase (cf. § 35, 4) 

§ 108. Adjectival Derivative Suffixes 

A considerable number of adjectives are primitive in form, i. e., 
not capable of being derived from simpler nominal or verbal stems. 
Such are: 

§ 108 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 259 

Jio's'au getting older 

mahaH big 23.1; 74.15; 146.3 

bus' wiped out, destroyed, used up 42.2; 140.19 

du good, beautiful 55.7; 58.7; 124.4; 146.6 

fU hot 57.15; 186.25 

p'u y n rotten 140.21 , 

yo'fi alive ([?] yoY being + enclitic -hi) (128.16) 

and many others. A very large number, however, are provided with 
derivative suffixes, some of which are characteristic of adjectives 
per se, 1 while others serve to convert nouns and pre-positive phrases 
into adjectives. Some adjectival stems seem capable of being used 
either with or without a suffix (cf. da-sga'xi and de-ts'!ugilY above, 
§ 107): 

mahaH and mahaStf big 

al-gwa'si and al-gwa f sit x yellow 

1. ~(i)t\ Probably the most characteristic of all adjectival suffixes 

is -(i)£, all -f participles (see § 76) properly belonging here. 
Non-participial examples are: 

al-gwa/s\V yellow 

al-sgenhi\' black 92.19 

al-t!e e s'iX little-eyed 94.3 

(?) hctnt* half ([ ?] cf. han- through) 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 

V.olV one-horned 46.7; 47.7; 49.3. 

da a -mdhiX red-eared 14.4; 15.12; 88.2; 96.13 

de-ts' !ilgu y V sharp-pointed 126.18 

TcIulsaV soft (food) (cf. Tc!u y ls worm) 130.22 

plala/Ywa-goyo'H' el£e £ I am story-doctor (cf. goyo s shaman) 

2. -al. Examples of adjectives with this suffix are: 

l-ts\ f o f p'al sharp-clawed 14.4; 86.3 (cf.de-ts'MguY sharp-pointed; 

for-/-: -g-ct § 42, 1,6) 
tti'fal thin 

(?) deh&l five ([ ?] =being in front 2 ) 150.19, 20; 182,21 
s'in-ho'Vw&l with holes in nose 166.13, 18; (56.9; 166.19; 176.7) 
s*m-MV#al big-nosed 25.1; 27.5, 13; 28.6 
hi'j>*&\ flat 

imi'xsil how much, how many (used interrogatively and relatively) 
100.8; 182.13 
mix&'lha numerous, in great numbers 92.28; 94.1 

i A few adjectives in -am (= -an) are distinctly nominal in appearance; bila x m having nothing; xila x m 
sick (but also as noun, dead person, ghost). It hardly seems possible to separate these from nouns like 
heela^m board; ts-.'ela>m hail. 

2 Cf. American Anthropologist, n. s., vol. 9, p. 266. 

§ 108 



260 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

3. -di. A few adjectives have been found with this suffixed element : 

hapsdi" little 192.6; to'p di 24.12; 60.15; 61.5 (cf. M a pxi y child 

128.16) 
yapla daldi y wild man (cf. dot- in the brush) 22.14 
gama' xdii&w 94.3, 6; 144.5; 182.4 
gweld? finished (cf . gwel- leg) 34.1; 79.8; 94.18 

4. ~ts!~ (- £ s). In a small number of adjectives this element is doubt- 

less to be considered a suffix : 

i'ltaldk*" bad, ugly 182.1; 186.22; 198.4 (cf. pi. il £ a'lsaF w ). 
s'in-pi'l £ s flat-nosed 

xa a -xdi f l £ s slim-waisted 71.15; 75.6 (cf. inferential passive xa-%- 
xdi'lxdalYam they have been notched in several places) 

A few adjectives in -s, evidently morphologically connected with 
the scattering nouns in -s, also occur: 

gums blind 26.14 

fcaZslong 14.5; 33.16; 158.1 

s'uns' thick 90.3 

5. -(a)x. This suffix disappears in the plural (see below, § 109), 

so that no room is left for doubt as to its non-radical character. 
Whether it is to be identified with the non-agentive -x of the 
verb is somewhat uncertain, but that such is the case is by no 
means improbable; in some cases, indeed, the adjective in -x 
is connected with a verb in -x. The -a y fx of some of the 
examples is without doubt composed of the petrified -b- found 
in a number of verbs (see § 42, 1) and the adjectival (or non- 
agentive) -x. 

al-£gey& y px. round (cf . al-£geye s px it rolls) 

sal-ts' /itna x px straight 

da-ts'lamx sick 90.12, 13, 21; 92.5; 150.16 

al-fmilefipx smooth 

da-po'a £ x crooked (cf. p*owo' £ x it bends) 

l-ge ; wa £ x crooked-handed 

More transparently derivational in character than any of those 
listed above are the following adjectival suffixes: 

6. -gwat having. Adjectival forms in -gwaY are derived partly 

by the addition of the adjectival suffix -(a)f to third personal 
reflexive possessive forms in -'t K gwa (-xagwa), or to palatalized 
passive participial forms in - s ~k* w , themselves derived from 
nouns (see § 77), partly by the addition of -gwaY to nouns in 
§ 108 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKEE-MA 261 

their pre-pronominal form (-a;) . The fact that these various 
-gwaH' forms, despite their at least apparent diversity of origin, 
clearly form a unit as regards signification, suggests an ultimate 
identity of the noun reflexive -gwa (and therefore verbal 
indirect reflexive -gwa-) with the passive participial -¥ w . The 
-gwa- of forms in -x-gwat' is not quite clear, but is perhaps to 
be identified with the comitative -gwa- of the verb. An 
adjective like yu f lc!al-x-gwaf teeth-having presents a parallel- 
ism to a verbal participle like dak'-lim-x-gwaf with (tree) 
falling over one (from aorist dale ' -limim-x-gwa-de £ 1 am with 
it falling over me, see § 46) that is suggestive of morphologic 
identity. Examples of -gwaH' adjectives are: 
waya'uxagsx&t' having daughter-in-law 56.10 (cf. waya'uxagwa 

her own daughter-in-law) 
fgwana'fgw&V slave-having (cf. fgwana'fgwa his own slave) 
Da-fan-ela'H'gw&t' 1 Squirrel-Tongued (literally, in-mouth squirrel 
his-tongue having [name of Coyote's daughter]) 70.6; 72.4; 
75.11 
?ii':ragwat' mother-having (cf. ni'xa¥ w mothered) 
me'zagwat' father-having (cf. me'xak' w fathered) 
Ve ie le'p'igig^2it'~ wife-having (cf. ¥ e i£ W p' 'igilc' w wived 142.6) 
#u w zgwaY wife-having 12S.4 (cf. gu u -x-de x ¥ my wife 142.9) 
dagaxgwSiY head-having (cf. da'g-ax-deV my head 90.13) 
ts'lu'lxgw&t 1 having Indian money (cf. ts-Julx Indian money 
14.13) 
A form with -gwaf and the copula ei- (for persons other than the 
third) takes the place in Takelma of the verb have : 
ts'lu'lxgwaf eit'e s I have money (literally money-having or 

moneyed I-am 
ts' !ulx-gwaY he has money 
Aside from the fact that it has greater individuality as a distinct 
phonetic unit, ■ the post-positive wa'~k' is without is the mor- 
phologic correlative of -gwaf having: 
dagax wa'lc'i* elf head without you-are 
da'gaxgwaf elf head-having you-are 

Similarly : 

nixa wa'Vi* elfe £ mother without I-am 
ni'xagwaf elfe s mother-having I-am 

1 The fact that this form has a body-part prefix (da- mouth) seems to imply its verbal (participial) 
character, -t'gwat' in it, and forms like it, may have to be analyzed, not as -t'gwa his own+ -f, but rather 
as -t' m.s+-gwa- having-M' . In other words, from a noun-phrase fan da'a (older ela'af) squiebel his. 
tongue may be theoretically formed a comitative intransitive with prefix: * da-fdn-eld'af-gwade* I am 
having sqtjteeel's tongue in my mouth, of which the text-form is the participle. This explanation has 
the advantage over the one given above of putting forms in -'t'gwat' and -xgwat on one line; cf. also 73.15. 

§ 108 



262 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

7. -imikM. A few adjectives have been found ending in this suffix 

formed from temporal adverbs : 

hop !e £ nimik\i (men) of long ago 168.1 (hop!e £ n long ago 58.4, 7, 11) 
oo u£ i'mik\i (people) of nowadays (bo u now 188.8; 194.5) 

8. -(i)7eH. This suffix, evidently closely related to the preceding 

one, forms adjectives (with the signification of belonging to, 
always being) from local phrases. Examples are: 

Jia-wili' yikli belonging to good folks, not "common" (fcomlia-wili 

in the house) 
xd a -bemik\i £ being between sticks 
ha-bami' 'sik\i £ dwelling in air 

xa a -da'mk\\ belonging between rocks (e. g., crawfish) 
daV-p!i f yak\i £ staying always over the fire 
ha-p!i'yak\i £ belonging to fire 

9. - £ xi. A few adjectival forms in - £ xi, formed from local phrases, 

seem to have a force entirely coincident with adjectives in-(i)&/i: 

ha-p!i'ya £ xi belonging to fire 

ha-xi'ya £ x\ mink (literally, always staying in the water [from 
ha-xiya s in the water 33.4]) 

10. - £ % H xi. This suffix seems to be used interchangeably with 

-(i)lc!i and - £ xi. Examples are: 

ha-bami f sa £ i n xi £ belonging to the air, sky 
xa a -da'ni £ l n xi £ belonging between rocks 
ha-wili £ i fi xi belonging to the house 
ha-xi'ya £ l n xi belonging to the water 
ha-p!iya £ l n xi belonging to fire 

The following forms in - £ i l xi, not derived from local phrases, doubt- 
less belong with these : 

ge £ l n xi belonging there 160.24 

goyo £ l n xi belonging to shamans (used to mean: capable of wish- 
ing ill, supernaturally doing harm, to shamans) 170.11 

§ 109. Plural Formations 

A few adjectives form their plural or frequentative by reduplica- 
tion: 

Singular * Plural 

de-lu ,ji£ full 49.14; 116.5 de-bu £ ba K x (dissimilated from 

-bu £ ba £ x) 122.17 

l'lts!a¥ w bad 182.1; 198.4 %l £ a'lsaV w (dissimilated from 

il £ alts!-) 

maha\ large 23.1; 74.15 mahml 32.15; 49.10; 130.4 

§ 109 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 263 

Of these, the first two are clearly verbal in type. The probably non- 
agentive -x of de-bu £ ba y x (also singular de-bu' U£ x from *de-bu /u lc!-x [cf. 
de-bu'^klin i shall fill itJ) and the apparently passive participial 
-a¥ w of i'lts!aF w strongly suggest that the first two of these adjec- 
tives are really adjectivally specialized verb-forms, mahml is alto- 
gether irregular in type of reduplication. t!os'o' u little 56.15 ; 74.16 
forms its plural by the repetition of the second consonant after the 
repeated vowel of the singular: dakloloi-tlos'u's'gwaf he has small 
cheeks. In regard to fuf 170.18. the plural of fti hot 57.15, it 
is not certain whether the -f is the repeated initial consonant, or 
the -f characteristic of other adjective plurals. 

Most adjectives form their plural by repeating after the medial 
consonant the vowel of the stem,, where possible, and adding to the 
amplified stem the element -it' (probably from -hit\ as shown by 
its treatment with preceding fortis), or, after vowels, -fif; a final 
non-radical -{a)x disappears in the plural, lio's'au getting bigger 
(with inorganic -a-) forms its plural by the repetition of the stem- 
vowel alone, hos'd u 156.11; 158.11; similar is du e u s 58.10 which seems 
to be the plural of du pretty 58.8. yo'ti ([?] yot'-M) alive forms 
the plural yotfi'Jii ([?] yofi-M) 128.16. Examples of the peculiarly 
adjectival plural in -(t')if are: 

Singular Plural 

al-t'geya K px round al-£geye'p'iV 

al-fmila y px smooth • al-fmili'p' it' 

sal-ts' lunofpx straight sal-ts' !v/nupit x 

sal-t!a r i narrow sal-tla'y&t' 'it' 

da-po'a s x crooked ( = -ak!-x) gwif-p'o'oty'it* crooked- 

armed 

i-ge'wa £ x crooked- handed i-ge'we e£ Fit* 
(= -ak!-x; cf. aorist gewe- 
Iclaw- carry [salmon] bow- 
fashion) 

de-ts'!uguY sharp-pointed 126.18 de-ts' luguhit' 

de-£ulu n p dull de-£ulu' £ p'iV 

al-ts'!i s lied da'Tdoloi-ts'H'lit'it" he has red 

cheeks 

al-fgu' ie s- white 55.2; 188.11 da'lcloloi-t'guyvfs'iV he has 

white cheeks 

al-fge^m black 13.3; 162.4 da'lcloloi-fge'meVit' he has 

black cheeks 

bats long 14.5; 15.12,15 s'inlxdd a fan ba a l&'s\t K their 

noses are long 

§ 109 



264 



BUKEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[bull. 40 



That these plurals are really frequentative or distributive in force 
is illustrated by such forms as da'Tcloloi-ts' li'lifif red-cheeked, 
which has reference not necessarily to a plurality of persons affected, 
but to the frequency of occurrence of the quality predicated, i. e., to 
the redness of both cheeks. 

V. Numerals (§§ 110, 111) 

§ 110. Cardinals 



Cardinals 



1. mV i£ sga £ 13.2; 192.8; mi' £ s 



Adverbs 

mu^xda'n once 182.20; 188.13 



>. r: 



116.1J 



ga f£ mun twice 

xi s nf 

gamga'man 

deJialdan 

Jia £ lmi r ts!ada y n 

Jia £ lgd' £ mada s n 

Jia £ lxinda s n 

Jia £ igo u gada\i 

ixdilda y n 



188.9 

ga /£ m 22.7; 110.11 
ga'plini" 1 55.7,12: 

3. xi'Uni s 150.8 

4. gamga'm 148.5; 184.17 

5. deJial 150.19, 20; 182.21 

6. ha £ imi' £ s 150.12 

7. Jia £ lga f£ m 

8. Jia £ ixi y n 

9. JiaHgo" 150.14 

10. i'xdll 13.1; 150.5; 182.22 

11. i'xdll m%' i£ sga £ gada y V 

ten one on-top-of 

12. i'xdll ga f£ m gada s Y 
20. yap!ami' £ s 182.23 
30. xi'n ixdil 

40. gamga'mun ixdi y l 

50. deJialdan ixdl s l 

60. Jia £ lmi r ts!adan ixdlH 

70. Jia £ lgd' £ madan ixdi x l 

80. Tia £ ixi'ndan ixd%% 

90. haHgogada f n ixdtl 
100. t!eimi' £ s 23.2, 4, 9, 12, 13 
200. gaf £ mun t!eimi' £ s 
300. xin t!eimi' £ s 
400. gamga'mun t!eimi' e s 

1, 000. %'xdlldan tleimi ,£ s 

2, 000. yaplami'tsladan t!eimi' s s 

ml' i£ sga £ is the usual uncompounded form of one. In compounds 
the simpler form mi f£ s (stem mlts!-) occurs as the second element: 

JiaHmi /£ s six ( = one [finger] in the hand) 
yap! ami' £ s twenty ( = one man) 



§ no 



i Often heard as ga'pHni y 55.2, 5. 



boas J HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 265 

t!eimi' £ s one hundred (probably = one male [£/$*-]) 

me e l fgd a -mi /£ s crows earth-one ( = land packed full of crows) 

144.9, 11, 12, 13 
de e mi /£ s in-front-one ( = marching in single file) 
almi' £ s all together 92.23, 24; 190.17 

Of the two forms for two, gd'p!ini y seems to be the more frequently 
used, though no difference of signification or usage can be traced. 
gd'pIinV two and xi'bini* three are evident compounds of the 
simpler gd ,£ m and xi y n (seen in Tia £ lxi y n eight) and an element -hini^ 
that is perhaps identical with -hini y of Tia'-linV in the middle. 
gamga'm four is evidently reduplicated from gd f£ m two, the falling 
accent of the second syllable being probably due to the former 
presence of the catch of the simplex. An attempt has been made 1 
to explain delial five as an adjectival form in -al derived from de e - 
IN front. The numerals six, seven, eight, and nine are best con- 
sidered as morphologically verbs provided with the compound prefix 
ha £ i- in the hand (see § 35, 4), and thus strictly signifying one 
(finger) is in the hand; two, three, four (fingers) are in the 
hand. No explanation can be given of -go s in 7ia £ igo s nine, except 
that it may be an older stem for four, later replaced, for one reason 
or another, by the composite gamga'm two + two. i'xdil ten is 
best explained as compounded of %-x- hand (but why not lux- as in 
mx-de y ¥ my hand?) and the dual -di y l, and as being thus equivalent 

to TWO HANDS. 

It thus seems probable that there are only three simple numeral 
stems in Takelma, ml H£ s one, gd' £ m two, and xi y n three. All the 
rest are either evident derivations from these, or else {delial probably 
and i'xdil certainly) descriptive of certain finger-positions. While the 
origin of the Takelma system may be tertiary or quinary (if -go y is 
the original stem for four and delial is a primary element), the 
decimal feeling that runs through it is evidenced both by the break 
at ten and by the arrangement of the numerals beyond ten. 

The teens are expressed by ten one above (i. e., ten over one), ten 
two above ; and so on. ga e a y l thereto may be used instead of gada y ¥ 
over. Twenty is one man, i. e., both hands and feet. One hun- 
dred can be plausibly explained as equivalent to one male person. 2 
The other tens, i. e., thirty to ninety inclusive, are expressed by 

i American Anthropologist, loc. cit., where five is explained as being in front, on the basis of the 
method of fingering used by the Takelma in counting. 
2 Loc. cit. 

§ no 



266 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

multiplication, the appropriate numeral adverb preceding the word for 
ten. xi'n ixdll thirty, however, uses the original cardinal xin, instead 
of the numeral adverb xint\ The hundreds (including two hundred 
and one thousand) are similarly expressed as multiplications of one 
hundred (t!eimi' £ s), the numeral adverbs (xin instead of xVnf in 
three hundred) preceding t!eimi' £ s. Numerals above one thousand 
( = 10X100) can hardly have been in much use among the Takelma, 
but can be expressed, if desired, by prefixing the numeral adverbs 
derived from the tens to t!eimi f£ s; e. g., dehaldan ixdildan t!eimi /£ s 
5X10X100 = 5,000. 

As far as the syntactic treatment of cardinal numerals is concerned, 
it should be noted that the plural of the noun modified is never em- 
ployed with any of them : 

wa-%wl H gapHni girl two (i. e., two girls) 55.2, 5, 7, 12 (wa-iwl H - 

tfan girls 56.11) 
mologola! p a ga' plini old- woman two 26.14 (mologola'pakfan old 

women 138.10) 
ha'p'da gd'pHni his child two 154.17 Qia'pxda his children) 

Like adjectives, attributive numerals regularly follow the noun. 
§ 111. Numeral Adverbs 

The numeral adverbs denoting so and so many times are derived 
from the corresponding cardinals by suffixing -an (often weakened 
to -tin) to ga f£ m two and its derivative gamga'm four; -t\ to xin 
three; -da s n, to other numerals (-ada y n f to those ending in - £ m and 
-ts!- = - £ s). 7ia £ lgaf £ m seven and TiaHxVn eight, it will be observed, 
do not follow ga ,£ m and xin in the formation of their numeral adverbs, 
but add -(a)da y n. 

It is not impossible that mu^x- in mu^xda^n once is genetically 
related and perhaps dialectically equivalent to mi i£ s~, but no known 
grammatic or phonetic process of Takelma enables one to connect them. 
7ia £ igo u gada y n nine times seems to insert a -ga- between the cardinal 
and the adverbial suffix -dan. The most plausible explanation of the 
form is its interpretation as nine (ha £ igo y ) that (ga) number-of-times 
(-da s n) , the demonstrative serving as a peg to hang the suffix on. 

From the numeral adverbs are derived, by prefixing ~ha- in, a 
further series with the signification of in so and so many places : 

Jia-ga^mHn in two places 
7ia-gamgama y n 176.2, 3 in four places 
7ia-JiaHgd u gada y n in nine places 

§ 111 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 267 

Cardinals with prefixed ha- are also found, apparently with an 
approximative force, e. g., ha-dehal about five 194.2. 

No series of ordinal numerals could be obtained, and the prob- 
ability is strong that such a series does not exist. debi y n occurs 
as first (e. g., will deli'n-hi first house), but may also mean last 
49.2; 150.15, a contradiction that, in view of the probable etymology 
of the word, is only apparent, debi^n is evidently related to ha-binV 
in the middle, and therefore signifies something like in front of 
the middle; i. e., at either end of a series, a meaning that com- 
ports very well with the renderings of both first and last. It is 
thus evident that no true ordinal exists for even the first numeral. 

VI. Adverbs and Particles (§§ 112-114) 

A very large number of adverbs and particles (some of them simple 
stems, others transparent derivatives, while a great many others still 
are quite impervious to analysis) are found in Takelma, and, particu- 
larly the particles, seem to be of considerable importance in an idio- 
matically constructed sentence. A few specifically adverbial suffixes 
are discernible, but a large number of unanalyzable though clearly 
non-primitive adverbs remain; it is probable that many of these are 
crystallized noun or verb forms now used in a specialized adverbial 
sense. 

§ 112. Adverbial Suffixes 

Perhaps the most transparent of all is : 

1. -da y t\ This element is freely added to personal and demonstra- 
tive pronouns, adverbs or verbal prefixes, and local phrases, to 
impart the idea of direction from or to, more frequently the former. 
Examples of its occurrence are : 

(/MaY in my direction (g% I) 

waded&V from my side (wade to me) 

adaY on, to this side 112.17; 144.2 

5'efadaY in that direction, from that side (Ida- that) 

M' a£ daY from yonder (ha a£ - that yonder) 

gwi'd&V in which direction? 190.18 (gwi how? where?) 

gede^V from there 144.8 

eme ,e dsiV from here 

me'MaY hitherwards 32.10, 11; 55.3 (me s - hither) 

he /e d&t* thitherwards (Jie e - away) 

noMaY from down river 23.9 (no u down river) 

§ H2 



268 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

TwmdaY (going) across Qian- across) 30.4; 31.16 

ha a ndad&\* from across (the river) (ha'nda across it) 112.17; 114.17 

habamd&\* from above (ha- in + bam- up) 

Jiaxiya' 'dat* from water on to land Qia-xiya s in the water) 

da¥-witi fi d2bt* from on top of the house (daV-will over the house) 

27.5; 62.5 
gwen-fga a - bo'Vdandad&\* from the east (gwen-fgd a -bo'Fdanda 

east) 144.23; (cf. 146.1) 

More special in use of -dot* are : 

honoxd&V last year (honox some time ago) 

dewe' 'nxadaV day after to-morrow (dewe'nxa to-morrow) 

de e daY first, before others 110.5 

2. -xa. A fairly considerable number of adverbs, chiefly temporal 
in signification, are found to end in this element. Such are: 

ho u xei" yesterday 76.9; 98.21 

da-ho u xa, y this evening 13.3; 16.15; 63.8; 78.4 

dabalni'xa, for a long time (cf. bal-s long and lep'ni'xa in winter) 

54.4; 108.16 
ya'xa, continually, only, indeed (cf. post-positive ya' a just) 54.5; 

63.3; 78.10 
dewe'nxa to-morrow 77.14; 112.15; 130.17; 194.1 
dap!a'x& toward daylight, dawn 45.4 
<Ze' e xa henceforth (cf. de- in front of) 196.5 
sama'xa in summer (cf. sa'ma summer 188.13; verb-stem sam-g- 

be summer 92.9) 162.16; 176.13, 15 
ZepVxa in winter 162.20; 176.15 
de-bixi'mssb ([ ? ] =-t-xa) in spring ([ ? ] cf. bi'xdl moon) 
da-yd u ga'mx& in autumn 186.3 
ts'H'&'a, ([1] = -trxa) at night 182.20 
xaml^xa, by the ocean (cf. xam- into water) 21.1; 55.1 
(?) bd u -nex&-da £ soon, immediately (cf. bo u now and ne e well! or 

na- 1 do) 90.10; 108.2 
(?)da £ ma'xau far away (forda £ -cf. da £ -o"l near) 14.3; 188.21; 190.6 

In lepnVx 90.6, a doublet of lep*ni'xa, -xa appears shortened to -x; 
this -x maybe found also in honox some time ago (cf. hono' £ again). 
Here perhaps belongs also da-yawa'ntli-xi (adjectival?) in half, 

ON ONE SIDE (OF TWO) 94.3. 

It will be noticed that a number of these adverbs are provided 
with the prefix da- (de- before palatal vowels, cf. § 36, 2), the appli- 
cation of which, however, in their case, can not be explained. 

3. -ne\ A number of adverbs, chiefly those of demonstrative 
signification, assume a temporal meaning on the addition of -ne y , a 

i See Appendix A, p. 290. 

§ 112 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 269 

catch intervening between the suffix and the stem. Etymologi- 
cally -ne may be identical with the hortatory particle ne e well, let 

(us) . 

Adverb Temporal 

lie e£ - there yonder he' £ ne y then, at that time 45.6; 

49.14 
ge there 14.3; 15.5, 12 ge £ ne' so long 92.10; 198.9 

me £ - hither me £ ne e at this time 24.14 (cf. also 

ma £ nai around this time 178.4) 
e'me £ here 31.3; 192.9 eme £ ne(yd' a -M) (right) here ([?] = 

now) 190.23 
gwi how? 46.2; 78.5 gwi' £ ne some time (elapsed), how 

long? 44.2; 48.9; 148.7 
To this set probably belong also : 

xu £ n, xu' £ ne" at night, night 45.3; 46.12; 48.10; 160.22 

Wn by day 166.2 (cf. he sun, day) 

Jiop!e £ n long ago 58.4; 86.7,9; 192.15; 194.4 

xa £ newi' £ sometimes 132.25 

ho u ne now, yet 130.23 (cf. ho u now) 

l'de £ ne^, which the parallelism of the other forms in -ne s with de, 
monstrative stems leads one to expect, does not happen to occur- 
but probably exists. Curiously enough, lie' £ ne not infrequently may 
be translated as like, particularly with preceding Fai (§ 105): 

Ya'i ~he £ ne hem something like wood 186.11 
Vai gwala 7ie' £ ne like various things 196.3 

A number of other adverbial suffixes probably occur, but the 
examples are not numerous enough for their certain determination. 
Among them is -ada x : 

no u gwada y some distance down river 54.2 (cf. no u down river and 

no u gwa y down river from 75.14) 
Jiinwada? some distance up river 56.4; 100.18; 102.4 (cf. hincfu 

up river and Ttinwcf up river from 77.1) 
Jia'nfada across the river 98.5; 192.3; (cf. Jia^nf across, in half) 

Several adverbs are found to end in -(da)da £ , perhaps to be identified 
with the -da £ of subordinate verb-forms : 

ho u -nexada £ immediately 90.10, 12; 108.2 

7ie e (da)da /£ away from here 92.5; 172.5; 194.10; 196.11 

gwel- £ wa¥wi £ early in the morning 44.1; 63.9; 77.14; 190.1 seems 
to be a specialized verb-form in -Vi £ if, whenever. It is possible 
that there is an adverbial -f suffix: 

gwe y nt" in back, behind 94.15 

Jia'nf across, in half 146.22; 154.9; 192.7 § 112 



270 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

It may be that this -f has regularly dropped off when final in poly- 
syllables : 

cfaVZnear 100.15; but da'o'Wi (=da*oW] + -M) 136.7 

§ 113. Simple Adverbs 

The simple adverbs that are closely associated with demonstrative 
stems have been already discussed (§ 104). A number of others, 
partly simple stems and partly unanalyzable derivatives, are listed 
here, such as have been already listed under adverbial suffixes not 
being repeated. 

1. Local adverbs: 

no u downriver 17.9; 63,1; 124.15 

no /ue s- next door ({?] related to no u ) 17.4; 188.2 

hina s u up river ([?] compounded with no u ) 22.7; 23.1; 61.13; 

192.14 
da e -o"l near (cf. -f, § 112, and see § 93) 100.15; 102.6; 126.2 
dihau(ya' a ) last of all (see § 93) 120.18 
gi fi£ wai&v off 48.8; 192.1 

abaH in the house (cf. § 37, 14) 28.8; 43.13; 140.5 
M fas ya" on both sides, mutually (cf. § 37, 5) 172.10; 176.6 

2. Temporal adverbs : 

bo u now, to-day 49.13; 50.1; 56.11; 61.11 

Mwi still, yet (cf. § 37, 9) 78.1; 126.21; 192.8; 198.11 

bo u ne Jiawi ) 10010 

-l r - -L-v \\ soon 128.18 
hawi oo u ne J 

olo y m (ulu y m) formerly, up to now 43.11; 63.1; 71.15; 166.2 

Jiemdi s when? 132.24; a'ni £ hem never 

mi { now, already (often proclitic to following word) 22.4; 63.1; 
190.9 

gane then, and then (often used merely to introduce new state- 
ment) 47.14; 63.1, 2, 16 
A noteworthy idiomatic construction of adverbs or phrases of tem- 
poral signification is their use as quasi-substantives with forms of 
laHi 1 - become. Compare such English substantivized temporal 
phrases as afternoon. Examples are: 

sama'xa lapV in-summer it-has-become 92.11 

Jiaye e wa f xda a da la a le s in- their-re turning it-became ( = it became 

time for them to return) 124.15 
Jiabebini diha'-uda la a lifa £ noon after-it when-it-became ( == when 

it was afternoon) 186.8 

§ H3 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN" LANGUAGES TAKELMA 271 

3. Negative and affirmative adverbs: 

Mf no 134.19, 21 

ha'-u yes 24.13; 64.1; 170.12 

a'nl* not (with aorist) 23.3, 6; 64.3; 78.1 

a'ndi not? 56.10; 90.26 (e. g., a'ndi ¥ai are there not any?) 56.8 

nl 1 not? (with following subordinate) : s'-nl' 1 naga'sbinda* didn't 

I tell you? 136.10 
naga-di y do (you) not? 116.12 
wede not (with inferential and potential) 25.13; 122.22, 23 

4. Modal adverbs: 

~kono' £ (rarely heard as hond £ n 74.8; this is very likely its origi- 
nal form, cf. - £ n for - £ ne, § 112, 3) again, too, also 22.4; 58.5; 
134.1 
ganga only 54.4; 94.5; ganga'-hi anyhow 94.8 ; 142.13; ganga-s'i' & 

just so, for fun 
wana" even 47.10; 61.3; 71.8; 76.4; 186.2 
yaxa' a wa however (cf. yaxa, § 114, 9; for -wa cf . gi' i£ wa, § 113, 1) 

72.11; 74.15 
lia'ga explanatory particle used with inferential 28.10; 45.11 

(e. g., ga Tiaga wa'la £ yu y ¥ so that one was really he 170.8) 
nakla" in every way, of all sorts (e. g., Vadi' ndkta £ a'nl £ %gl fi nan 
what kind was not taken?, i. e., every kind was taken 60.11) 
yewe perhaps 136.23; 180.8; 196.18 
s-o £ , s'd u£ perfectly, well 136.20; 166.1 (e. g., s'o' £ de e gwa'lt "gwl 1 ^ 

take good care of yourself! 128.24) 

amadi' (s-i £ ) would that! 142.10 (e. g., amadi f s'i £ t!omoma f£ n I 

wish I could kill him; amadi loho' i£ would that he died! 196.2) 

wi'sa £ m (cf. wis, § 114, 8) I wonder if 150.2, 3 (e. g., ml 1 wi'sa £ m 

ya' £ I wonder if he went already) 

It is a* characteristic trait of Takelma, as of many other American 

languages, that such purely modal ideas as the optative (would 

that!) and dubitative (i wonder if) are expressed by independent 

adverbs without modification of the indicative verb-form (cf. further 

wi £ obiha y n ye e wa' £ £ wi'sa £ m my-elder-brothers they-will-return 

I-WONDER-IF 150.2, 3). 

Several of the adverbs listed above can be used relatively with 
subordinates, in which use they may be looked upon as conjunctive 
adverbs : 

bo u -g r wan x (1) ya a nia f -uda £ (2) bai-yeweya s V w (3) as soon as(l) 

they went (2), she took him out again (3) 128.20 
yewe (1) xebe e yagwanaga f m (2) yewe (3) wa' a da (4) Mwili' u£ (5) 
perhaps (1) that we destroy him (2), perhaps (3) he runs (5) 

1 Probably compounded of &o« now and gan(i) now, then, and then. 

§ H3 



272 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

to her (4) ( = should we destroy him, perhaps he would run to 
her) 
waya f (1) 7ie £ ne y (2) de-Fiwi'Fau¥wanma £ (3) ga (4) na £ na¥i¥ 
(5) just as (2) a knife (1) is brandished (3), that (4) he did 
with it (5) 172.12 (cf. ~he, £ ne> in its meaning of like, §112, 3) 

§ 114. Particles 

By particles are nere meant certain uninflected elements that have 
little or no meaning of their own, but that serve either to connect 
clauses or to color by some modal modification the word to which 
they are attached. They are never met with at the beginning of a 
clause or sentence, but occur only postpositively, generally as enclitics. 
Some of the elements listed above as modal adverbs (§ 113, 4) might 
also be considered as syntactic particles (e. g., wana, Tia'ga, ndk!a s , 
which never stand at the beginning of a clause); these, however, 
show no tendency to be drawn into the verb-complex. Whenever 
particles qualify the clause as a whole, rather than any particular 
word in the clause, they tend to occupy the second place in the sen- 
tence, a tendency that, as we have seen (p. 65), causes them often 
to be inserted, but not organically incorporated, into the verb- 
complex. The most frequently occurring particles are those listed 
below : 

1. ya' a just. This element is not dissimilar in meaning to the 

post-nominal emphasizing - £ a s (§ 102), but differs from it in 
that it may be embedded in the verb-form : 
i-ya' a -sge e fsgaY he just twisted it to one side 31.5 

It only rarely follows a verb-form, however, showing a strong 
tendency to attach itself to denominating terms. Though 
serving generally to emphasize the preceding word, it does not 
seem to involve, like - £ a y , the idea of a contrast : 

xa a -xo ya' a right among firs (cf. 94.17) 

he £ neya' a just then, then indeed 63.13; 128.22; 188.1, 18 

dd u mxbin ya' a I shall just kill you 178.15 

It has at times a comparative force: 

gl l ya' a na £ nada' £ you will be, act, just like me (cf. 196.2) 

2. hi. This constantly occurring enclitic is somewhat difficult to 

define. With personal pronouns it is used as an emphatic 
particle: 

ma' hi you yourself (cf. 104.13; 152.20 

§ H4 



boas] HANDBOOK OF I1\JIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 273 

Similarly with demonstratives : 
ga' hi just that, the same 64.6; 96.16; 144.3; 190.21 
In such cases it is rather difficult to draw the line between it 
and yd'* 1 , 1 to which it may be appended: 

ga yd' a hi gwelda? just under that 190.17 

7ian-ya' a -hi ba a -£e' e x just across the river she emerged 58.3 

As emphasizing particle it may even be appended to sub- 
ordinate verb forms and to local phrases: 

yanfe e da £ W just as I went (cf. 138.23; 152.5, 7) 
diha-ude hi y right behind me, as soon as I had gone 

It may be enclitically attached to other particles, yaf a -hi 
192.1 being a particularly frequent combination: 
gl l yaxa'-M I, however, indeed 71.8 
Its signification is not always, however, so specific nor its 
force so strong. All that can be said of it in many cases 
is that it mildly calls attention to the preceding word with- 
out, however, specially emphasizing it; often its force is prac- 
tically nil. This lack of definite signification is well illustrated 
in the following lullaby, in the second line of which it serves 
merely to preserve the rhythm -'« : 

mo'xo wa'inhd buzzard, put him. to sleep ! 
s' I' mhi wa'inhd (?) put him to sleep! 
pe'lda wa'inhd slug, put him to sleep! 

The most important syntactic function of hi is to make a verbal 
prefix an independent word, and thus take it out of its proper 
place in the verb : 

de'-M ahead (from de- in front) 33.15; 64.3; 196.1; 198.12 

ha'n-hi ei-saY w across he-canoe-paddled 
but: 

ei-han-sa¥ w he-canoe-across-paddled 112.9, 18; 114.11 

where 7ian~, as an incorporated local prefix, takes its place after 
the object el. A number of adverbs always appear with suffixed 
hi; e. g., gasaflhi quickly 16.10. Like - £ a y , fromwhichit differs, 
however, in its far greater mobility, hi is never found appended 
to non-subordinate predicative forms. With hi must not be 
confused: 

i The various shades of emphasis contributed by ~a^,ya'a, hi, and-s-i £ , respectively, are well illustrated 
in ma s cf you, but you (as contrasted with others); ma yd'a just you, you indeed (simple emphasis with- 
out necessary contrast); ma' M you yourself; mas-'i' s and you, you in your turn (108.13) 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 18 § 114 



274 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

3. -hi £ . This particle is found appended most frequently to intro- 

ductory words in the sentence, such as mi*, gane, and other 
adverbs, and to verb-forms: 

mtf-M* faga' i£ then he returned 62.2; (cf. 188.15) 
gane-hi £ aba-i-gini /£ V and then he went into the house 55.16 
naga'-i-M £ = naga' i£ he said + -U £ (see § 22) 22.6; 57.1; 128.15; 
192.9 

As no definite meaning can be assigned to it, and as it is found 

only in myth narration, it is highly probable that it is to be 

interpreted as a quotative : 

ga naga'sa £ n-7ii £ that they said to each other, it is said 27. 1, 3 ; 31.9 

-M £ is also found attached to a verbal prefix (22.1; 140.8, 22, 23). 

4. -s*i £ and, but. This is one of the most frequently occurring par- 

ticles in Takelma narration, its main function being to bind 
together two clauses or sentences, particularly when a contrast 
is involved. It is found appended to nouns or pronouns as 
deictic or connective suffix: 

aks'i £ he in his turn 61.11; (cf. 47.14; 104.8, 13) 
JiulV sgi'sidiH mexs'i £ Panther and Coyote, also Crane 
An example of its use as sentence connector is : 

ga naganhan ha-£ga a de Jiop!e £ n, bd u -s'i ,£ eme' £ a r ni £ ga naga'n that 
used-to-be-said in-my-country long-ago, now-but here not that 
is-said 194.4; (cf. 60.9; 118.3; 122.17) 

-s'i £ is particularly frequently suffixed to the demonstratives ga 
that and aga this, gas'i £ and agas'i £ serving to connect two 
sentences, the second of which is the temporal or logical resultant 
or antithesis of the second. Both of the connected or con- 
trasted sentences may be introduced by gas'i £ , agas'i £ , or by a 
word with enclitically attached -s'i £ . In an antithesis agas'i £ 
seems to introduce the nearer, while gas'i £ is used to refer to 
the remoter act. Examples showing the usage of gas'i £ and 
agas'i £ are: 

gas'i ,£ de e l Jia-de-dil£a di-buma' a F (I smoked them out), and- 

then (or so-that) yellow- jackets everywhere swarmed 73.10 
¥aiwi' s t!omoma'nda £ gas'i f£ gayawaYp* something I-having- 

killed-it, thereupon you-ate-it 90.8 
gas'i' £ guxda hulifin wa-iwi'* t!omxi f xas'i £ abaH on-one-hand his- 

wife (was a) sea woman, her-mother-in-law-but (lived) in-the- 

house 154.15 
§ 114 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 275 

agas'i £ yo u Jc! w at*V yd' a xu f ma-s'i £ a'm £ de £ ugu's'i now my-bones 
just (I was) (i. e., I was reduced to a skeleton), food-and not 
she-gave-me-to-eat 186.1 

agas'i £ a'nl £ ml' £ wa al-tleye'xi naga' ie yulum £ a s aga's'i* xamY wa- 
iw% fi ml 1 al-t!ayd¥wa on-one-hand "Not probably she-has-dis- 
covered-me," he-said Eagle-for-his-part, but Grizzly-Bear girl 
now she-had-discovered him 124.9 

gas'i £ and agas'i £ as syntactic elements are not to be confused 
with the demonstratives ga and aga to which a connective -s'i s 
happens to be attached. This is shown by: 

ga-s'i' £ ga £ al that-so for ( = so for that reason) 

where ga £ al is a postposition to ga. There is nothing to pre- 
vent post-nominal -s'i £ from appearing in the same clause: 

aga f s'i £ mels'i £ but Crow-in-her-turn 162.14 
When suffixed to the otherwise non-occurring demonstrative £ l- 
(perhaps contained in Ida- that) it has a concessive force, 

DESPITE, ALTHOUGH, EVEN IF 60.1: 

£ i's'i £ -~hi S'om ga £ al Jia-de-dllfa wit' a'ni £ al-t!aya y F p!iyi y n 
although-indeed mountain to everywhere he-went, not he- 
found deer 43.6 

i's'i e ts!aya y ¥ a'nl £ tlomom guxdagwa although he-shot-at-her, not 
he-killed-her his-own-wife 140.17 

-M £ (see no. 3) or connective -s'i £ may be added to £ i's'i £ , the 
resulting forms, with catch dissimilation (see § 22), being £ l r s'%hi £ 
and £ i's'is'i £ 47.11; 148.12. When combined with the idea of 
unfulfilled action, the concessive £ %s-% £ is supplemented by the 
conditional form in -¥i £ of the verb: 

£ i's'i £ Va'i gwala ndxbiyau¥i £ , wede ge ItfwaY even-though things 
many they-should-say-to-you (i. e., even though they call you 
names), not there look! 60.3 

Compounded with -s'i £ is the indefinite particle : 
5. -s*i £ wa'h*di 64.5. When appended to interrogatives, this parti- 
cle brings about the corresponding indefinite meaning (see 
§ 105), but it has also a more general syntactic usage, in 
which capacity it may be translated as perchance, it seems, 

PROBABLY : 

ma's-i £ wa¥di lienenagwaY perhaps (or probably) you ate it 
all up 26.17 

§ H4 



276 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

The uncompounded waFdi also occurs : 

ulu s m wo'Vdi Vai naVam formerly I-guess something it-was said 

to him 166.1 
ga wa'Vdi hogwa' £ sda a that-one, it-seems, (was) their-runner 49.3 

Similar in signification is : 

6. mH i£ wa probably, perhaps 45.8; 63ol5. This enclitic has a con- 

siderable tendency to apparently be incorporated in the verb : 

%-mi'* £ wa-t!dut!iwin maybe he was caught (i-t!dut!iwin he was 

caught) 
xtf-i-ml'^wa-sgi'ibtfn mii^xdcfn hi I'11-probably-cut-him-in-two 

once just 31.13 

7. his, hits nearly, almost, trying 44.7; 56.14. This element 

implies that the action which was done or attempted failed of 
success : 

ml* Jiono £ tlomoVwa-his mat then also he-killed-him nearly spear- 
shaft (personified), i. e., spear-shaft almost managed to kill 
him, as he had killed others 28.11; (cf. 188.20) 

A frequent Takelma idiom is the use of hi y s with a form of the 
verb of saying na{g)~ to imply a thought or intention on the 
part of the subject of the na(g)- form that fails to be realized: 

"ha-xiya' ml £ wasgd' a £ap'de £ " naga' i£ -hi s s "in-the-water probably 
I-shall-jump," he thought (but he really fell among alder- 
bushes and was killed) 94.17 

Sometimes his seems to have a usitative signification; prob- 
ably the main point implied is that an act once habitual has 
ceased to be so: 
dalc-his-£ek!e' e xade £ I used to smoke (but no longer do) 

8. wis, wPs it seems, doubtless. This particle is used to indicate 

a likely inference. Examples are: 

mi*-wis dap £ d'la-u moyugwana'n now-it-seems youth he's-to-be- 
spoiled (seeing that he's to wrestle with a hitherto invincible 
one) 31.12 

ml* wi'*s akla tlomoma'n now apparently he-for-his-part he-has- 
been-killed (seeing that he does not return) 88.9,(6) 

9. yaxa continually, only. The translation given for yaxa is really 

somewhat too strong and definite, its force being often so weak 
as hardly to allow of an adequate rendering into English. It 
§ 114 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 277 

often does not seem to imply more than simple existence or 
action unaccompanied and undisturbed. It is found often 
with the scarcely translatable adverb ganga only, in which 
case the idea of unvaried continuance comes out rather 
strongly, e. g. : 

ga'-lii yaxa ganga naga' i£ that-indeed continually only he-said 
(i. e., he always kept saying that) 24.15 

From ganga it differs in the fact that it is often attracted into 
the verb-complex: 

ganga ge'l-yaxa-hewe'liau only he-is-continually- thinking (i. e., he 
is always thinking) (cf. 128.18; 146.15) 

10. wala' £ (sina s ) really, come to find out 45.11; 170.8. As 

indicated in the translation, wala' £ indicates the more or less 
unexpected resolution of a doubt or state of ignorance : 

ga liaga wala f£ will wa £ -i-t!a f niY that-one so really house he-kept- 
it (i. e., it was Spear-shaft himself who kept house, no one else) 
28.10 

Certain usages of wala ,£ si{na £ ) , evidently an amplification of 
wala ,£ , have been already discussed (§ 70). 

11. dl interrogative. The interrogative enclitic is consistently 

used in all cases where an interrogative shade of meaning is 
present, whether as applying to a particular word, such as an 
interrogative pronoun or adverb, or to the whole sentence. 
Its use in indirect questions is frequent : 

man fi H s mixal dV t!omomana ,£ he-counted gophers how-many 
had-been-killed 

The use of the interrogative is often merely rhetorical, imply- 
ing an emphatic negative : 

Ya-di' ma will wa £ -l-t!a f nida £ literally, what you house you- will- 
keep? ( = you shall not keep house) 27.16; (cf. 33.1; 47.9) 

Ordinarily di occupies the second place in the sentence, less fre- 
quently the third : 

yu'lc!alxde £ ml 1 di s £ a'nl £ YaH your-teeth now (inter.) not any 
(i. e., have you no teeth?) 128.23 

Besides these syntactically and modally important enclitic par- 
ticles, there are a few proclitics of lesser significance. Among these 
are to be included ml 1 now and gane then, and then, which, though 
they have been included among the temporal adverbs and may 

§ 114 



278 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

indeed, at times, convey a definite temporal idea, are generally weak 
unaccented introducers of a clause, and have little determinable force: 

gane ya' £ then he went 92.26; 118.19; 152.7 
ml 1 ldho fi£ then he died 71.13; 98.19; 122.13 

The proclitic ne e well! is used chiefly as introductory to a hor- 
tatory statement: 

ne e go u m-s'i f£ da¥-s'im H da naba /a£ 7ia y n let us-in-our-turn over- 

his-nose let-us-do (i. e., let us pass over him!) 144.11 
ne e t!omoma' £ n let me kill him. (cf. 96.4) 

§ 115. VII. Interjections 

Of interjections and other words of an emotional character there 
are quite a number in Takelma. Some of them, while in no sense 
of definite grammatical form, are based on noun or verb stems. Not 
a few involve sounds otherwise foreign to the language (e. g., nasal- 
ized vowels [expressed by n ], a as in English bat, a as in saw, dj as 
in judge, voiceless palatal I [written I], final fortis consonant) ; pro- 
longation of vowels and consonants (expressed by + ) and repetition 
of elements are frequently used. 

The material obtained may be classified as follows: 

1. Particles of Address: 

ama n come on! 96.24 

Tiene' away from here! get away! 148.8, 10, 11, 13, 14 

difgwalam O yes! (with idea of pity) 29.13; dit'gwd' a£ lam wi £ wa 

my poor younger brother! 64.4 
lia-i" used by men in talking to each other 
Tid'Hda* used by women in talking to each other (cf . Tia-ikla wife! 

husband!) 

2. Simple Interjections (expressing fundamental emotions): 

a+ surprise, generally joyful; weeping 28.5; 58.2; 150.2 

a; a; £ d; £ d" sudden surprise at new turn ; sudden resolve 28.6 ; 29.7 ; 
55.7; 78.9 

a £ sudden halt at perceiving something not noticed before 26.12 

o y doubt, caution 136.23 

o+ sudden recollection; admiration, wonderment; call 92.9; 
138.19; 188.17, 19 

d+ fear, wonder 17.3 

£ e e ; V displeasure 27.16; 32.9; 33.6; 122.12 

£ e; Jie+ (both hoarsely whispered) used by mythological char- 
acters (crane, snake) on being roused to attention 122.10; 
148.17, 18 

§ 115 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 279 

lie+; e + call 59.2; 73.7; 75.10; 76.8 

e e n*. e e n disapproval, "what's up?", sarcasm 28.11; 32.10 

£ E n£ E n protest 112.6, 11; 114.3,6, 13; V w , £ E ,n decided displeasure 

198.2 
he n scorn, threat 140.9; 152.14 
e n% sniffing suspiciously 160.20 
jg»* E n " e 71 ' E n " smelling suspiciously 124.23 
dja K disapproval, warning 156.18 
m+ m+ gentle warning, pity 29.8; 31.11, 14 
7im+ 7im+ reviving hope (?) 32.3 
wa + wd + (loudly whispered) cry for help 29.12 
ha-i alas! 62.4, 7 
A n + groan 182.11 

Jio f£ (hoarsely whispered) on being wounded 190.24 
Tid' 7id Tid groans on being wounded 192.10 
"he' lie Tie Tie laughter 118.22; 120.6 

Those that follow have a prefixed s'- frequently used by Coyote. 
They are probably characteristic of this character (see also 
71.14; 90.12). 

s' £ e'~kehehe derisive laughter 71.7; 72.11; 73.15; 74.15 

s'Wp sharp anger 86.6, 22, 24 

s'be' + u call for some one to come 92.1 

c s a'i say there, you! 92.18, 21 

s'gd+ sorrow 100.3 

3. Set Calls (including cries in formulas and myths): 

pa+ (loudly whispered) war-whoop 190.15 

bd+ bd+ (loudly whispered and held out long) war-whoop 

136.26 bd wa' du wd' du (loudly whispered) war-whoop 

110.19 gwd' Id Id Id Id (loudly whispered) war-whoop on slaying 

one of enemy 
wd wd wd cry to urge on deer to corral 
&o+ yelling at appearance of new moon 196.5 
"hd + ; bd+ (both loudly whispered) urging on to run 46.5, 7 ; 47.6 ; 

48.1, 3, 9; 49.3 
Jb w + blowing before exercising supernatural power 96.19, 20, 22; 

198.7 
p t + blowing in exercising supernatural power 77.9 
p w + blowing water on person to resuscitate him 170.3 
M blowing preparatory to medicine-formula addressed to wind 

198.4 
do' do do do do do cry (of ghosts) on catching fire 98.4 (cf . Yana du' 

du du du' du du) 
ximi' + ximi cry of rolling skull 174.5, 6 

§ 115 



280 BUBEATJ OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

6' + da da da da da cry of people running awajr from rolling skull 
174.9, 10 

do'Thi dolM K taunt (of Pitch to Coyote) 86.2, 8, 10, 17, 21, 23; 
88. 1, 2 

da'ldalwaya da Idalwaya da'ldalwaya formula for catching craw- 
fish (explained in myth as derived from dalda y l dragon-fly) 
29.14, 16 

wi'liklisi "cut off!" (cf. vM% H his stone knife 142.21) Chicken- 
Hawk's cry for revenge 144.1 

sgilbibi' + { x "come warm yourself!" 25.7 (cf. sgili'pxde 5 I warm 
myself 25.8) 

gewe' e lc!ewe e (cf . gewe'1c!iwi £ n I hold [salmon] bow-fashion) said 
by Pitch when Coyote is stuck to him 88.5, 9, 11, 12 

p!idi-l-p'a /£ tp'idit¥ " O my liver! " (cf . p*a $ tp K id-i- salmon liver) 
cry of Grizzly Bear on finding she has eaten her children's 
livers 120.19, 20 

The last three show very irregular types of reduplication, not other- 
wise found. 

4. Animal Cries and Imitative Sounds: 

wa'yanl cry of Jack-Rabbit 108.9, 14, 17 

(s')Tia'u, ha'u cry of Grizzly Bear 106.12, 19; 140.12 

wa' + u (hoarse) death-cry of Grizzly Bear woman 142.3 

M u Bear's cry 72.15 

p!a¥ p!a¥ "bathe! bathe!" supposed cry of crow 

ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ ba¥ sound made by Woodpecker 90. 1 1 ; 92.2 

(cf. ba'¥ba a red-headed woodpecker 92.2) 
plan p!au plau plan plau p!au sound made by Yellowhammer 90.19 
bum + bum+ noise made by rolling skull 174.4 
tde'lelelele (whispered) sound of rattling dentalia 156.24 (cf. aorist 

stem tcfelem- rattle) 
tul tul tul noise made by Rock Boy in walking over graveyard 

house 14.8 
dEm+ dEm+ dEm+ noise of men fighting 24.1 
xa'-u (whispered) noise of crackling hair as it burns 24.8 
tgi'l imitating sound of something breaking 24.4 (cf.xa-da a n-tgil- 

tga'Thi he broke it in two with rock 24.4) 
tut tut tut noise of pounding acorns 26.12 
bA~kl "pop! " stick stuck into eye 27.8 
7iu n + confused noise of people talking far off 190.7 
Jc!i' 'didididi sound of men wrestling 32.14 

5. Song Burdens: 

wa'yawene ld' u wana medicine-man's dance 46.14 
wainha round dance; lullaby (cf. walnha put him to sleep!) 
104.15; 106.4, 8; 105 note 
§ 115 



boas] HANDBOOK OP INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 28 1 

JcH'xinhi round dance (said by Frog) 102.18 
£ o f cu £ o'cu round dance (said by Frog) 102.23 
gwa'tca gwalca round dance (said by Bluejay) 104.7 
tc!a r itc!ia round dance (play on tc!a' ie c bluejay) 104.7 
be'bebinibi' 'a round dance (said by Mouse; play on bebe y n rushes) 

104.10 
beleldo round dance (play on belp* swan) 104.15 
bi'gi bi'gi bi r gi + Skunk's medicine-man's dance ([?] play on 

bi¥ w skunk) 164.18, 22; 166.5 
hd /$ gwatci Jia' e gwatci said by s'omlohoTxa £ s in doctoring 

§ 116. CONCLUSION 

The salient morphologic characteristics of Takelma may be summed 
up in the words inflective and incorporating, the chief stress 
being laid on either epithet according as one attaches greater impor- 
tance to the general method employed in the formation of words and 
forms and their resulting inner coherence and unity, or to the par- 
ticular grammatical treatment of a special, though for many Ameri- 
can languages important, syntactic relation, the object. Outside of 
most prefixed elements and a small number of the post-nominal 
suffixes, neither of which enter organically into the inner structure 
of the word-form, the Takelma word is a firmly knit morphologic 
unit built up of a radical base or stem and one or more affixed (gen- 
erally suffixed) elements of almost entirely formal, not material, 
signification. 

It would be interesting to compare the structure of Takelma with 
that of the neighboring languages ; but a lack, at the time of writing, 
of published material on the Kalapuya, Coos, Shasta, Achomawi, 
and Karok makes it necessary to dispense with such comparison. 
With the Athapascan dialects of southwest Oregon, the speakers of 
which were in close cultural contact with the Takelmas, practically 
no agreements of detail are traceable. Both Takelma and Atha- 
pascan make a very extended idiomatic use of a rather large num- 
ber of verbal prefixes, but the resemblance is probably not a far- 
reaching one. While the Athapascan prefixes are etymologically 
distinct from the main body of lexical material and have reference 
chiefly to position and modes of motion, a very considerable number 
of the Takelma prefixes are intimately associated, etymologically 
and functionally, with parts of the body. In the verb the two lan- 
guages agree in the incorporation of the pronominal subject and 

§ 116 



282 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

object, but here again the resemblance is only superficial. In 
Athapascan the pronominal elements are phonetically closely com- 
bined with the verbal prefixes and stand apart from the follow- 
ing verb-stem, which never, or very rarely, loses its monosyllabic 
individuality. In Takelma the pronominal elements, together with 
the derivative affixes, enter into very close combination with the 
preceding verb-stem, but stand severely aloof from the verbal 
prefixes. The radical phonetic changes which the verb-stem under- 
goes for tense in both languages is perhaps the most striking 
resemblance between the two; but even in this regard they differ 
widely as to the methods employed. Neither the very extended 
use of reduplication in Takelma, nor the frequent use in Atha- 
pascan of distinct verb-stems for the singular and plural, is shared 
by the other. Add to this the fact that the phonetic systems of 
Athapascan and Takelma are more greatly divergent than would 
naturally be expected of neighboring languages, and it becomes clear 
that the opinion that has generally been held, though based on 
practically no evidence, in regard to the entirely distinct character- 
istics of the two linguistic stocks, is thoroughly justified. 

The entire lack of nominal cases in Takelma and the lack of pro- 
nominal incorporation in Klamath indicate at the outset the funda- 
mental morphologic difference between these stocks. In so far as 
nominal cases and lack of pronominal incorporation are made the 
chief morphologic criteria of the central Californian group of linguistic 
families, as represented, say, by Maidu and Yokuts, absolutely no 
resemblance is discernible between those languages and Takelma. As 
far, then, as available linguistic material gives opportunity for judg- 
ment, Takelma stands entirely isolated among its neighbors. 

In some respects Takelma is typically American, in so far as it is 
possible at all to speak of typical American linguistic characteristics. 
Some of the more important of these typical or at any rate wide- 
spread American traits, that are found in Takelma, are: the incor- 
poration of the pronominal (and nominal) object in the verb; the 
incorporation of the possessive pronouns in the noun; the closer 
association with the verb-form of the object than the subject; the 
inclusion of a considerable number of instrumental and local modifi- 
cations in the verb-complex; the weak development of differences of 
tense in the verb and of number in the verb and noun; and the 
impossibility of drawing a sharp line between mode and tense. 

§ H6 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 283 

Of the more special grammatical characteristics, some of which are 
nearly unparalleled in those languages of North America that have 
been adequately studied, are: a system of pitch-accent of fairly con- 
siderable, though probably etymologically secondary, formal sig- 
nificance; a strong tendency in the verb, noun, adjective, and adverb 
toward the formation of dissyllabic stems with repeated vowel (e. g., 
aorist stem yowo- be; verb-stem loho- die; noun moxo y buzzard; 
adjective Tios'd u [plural] getting big; adverb 0Z0V1 formerly); a 
very considerable use of end reduplication, initial reduplication being 
entirely absent ; the employment of consonant and vowel changes as a 
grammatical process; the use in verbs, nouns, and adjectives of pre- 
fixed elements, identical with body-part noun stems, that have refer- 
ence now to parts of the body, now to purely local relations; the 
complicated and often irregular modifications of a verbal base for 
the formation of the most generalized tense, the aorist; the great 
differentiation of pronominal schemes according to syntactic rela- 
tion, class of verb or noun, and tense-mode, despite the comparatively 
small number of persons (only five — two singular, two plural, and 
one indifferent) ; the entire lack in the noun and pronoun of cases 
(the subjective and objective are made unnecessary by the pronominal 
and nominal incorporation characteristic of the verb ; the possessive, 
by the formal use of possessive pronoun affixes; and the local cases, 
by the extended use of pre-positives and postpositions) ; the existence 
in the noun of characteristic suffixes that appear only with pre- 
positives and possessive affixes ; the fair amount of distinctness that 
the adjective possesses as contrasted with both verb and noun; the 
use of a decimal system of numeration, tertiary or quinary in origin ; 
and a rather efficient though simple syntactic apparatus of subordi- 
nating elements and well-modulated enclitic particles. Altogether 
Takelma has a great deal that is distinct and apparently even isolated 
about it. Though typical in its most fundamental features, it may, 
when more is known of American languages as a whole, have to 
be considered a very specialized type. 

§ H6 



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imperative 


Future 

imperative 


Singular: 














1st per. 


nagaU'e* 


na't'ee 


na't'e £ 


na'k'a £ 






2d per. 


nagaW 


nada'e 


naH' 


na'k.'eit 


na % 


na' £ k' 


3d per. 


naga'i* 


na'H % 


na' £ 


na y k l 






Plural: 














1st per. 


nagayVk' 


naga'm 


C!)nayi y k t 


na'k'anaW 


ndbd'a£(ha*n) 




* 2d per. 


nagaiVp* 


na't'ba £ 


naH'p* 


na'k'&t'p' 


na^np* 




Imper. 


neeye'e (sub- 
o r dinate 
neye'eda* or 
nb'idafi) 


neeyauk'te 
(conditional) 











FMEQ ZTEJVTJLTIVE 





Aorist 


Future 


Inferential 


Present 

imperative 


Future 
imperative 


Singular: 

1st per 

2d per 

3d per 

Plural: 

1st per 

2d per 

Imper. 


naga £ na'k l de £ 

naga £ nigiH % 

naga £ nd'a £ k' 

naga £ nigi y k K 

naga £ nigiYp* 

neenia'us 


nant'ee 
nanada' £ i 
nana'H' i 

nanaga'm 1 
nana't'ba £ * 


nank'a £ 

nank.'elf 

nank't 

nank'ana^k' 
nank/tifp* 


nanha 

nanaba' £ 
nanhanp* 


nanhaW 



1 These forms are to be carefully distinguished from na £ -nada' £ , na £ -na' £ f , and so forth (see §69). It is 
of course possible to have also na £ -nant'ee, na £ -nanada' £ , and so forth. 

2 Also nankak' is found, so that it is probable that doublets exist for other non-aorist forms, e. g., 
nanhada £ , nanhaba £ . 

B. Transitive 

A.orist 









Object 






Subject 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singular: 

1st per. 

2d per. 

3d per. 
Plural: 

1st per. 

2d per. 


nege's-dam 
nege's-i 

nege's-dap' 


naga'sbi £ n 

naga'sbi 

nagasbina^k" 


naga' £ n 
nagaY 
naga x 

nagana^k' 
nagaYp' 


naga'simit' 
naga'sam 

naga'simit' p' 


naga'sanba £ n 
naga'sanp' 
naga' saribana y V 



BOAS] 



HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 



287 



3. Forms of na{g)~ say, do 
B. Transitive — Continued 



Future 









Object 






Subject 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 

plural 


Singular: 












1st per. 




naxbin 


ndagi'n 




naxanban 


2d per. 


nexda? 




nak'ida* 


naximidae 




3d per. 


nexink* 


naxbink' 


nak'ink' 


naxamank' 


naxanbank' 


Plural: 












1st per. 




naxbinagam 


naaginaga'm 




naxanbanagam 


2d per. 


nexdabaz 




ndagi't'ba* 


naximit'ba* 




Imper. condit. 


nexiauk'i £ 


naxbiauk'i* 









Inferential 



Singular: 












1st per. 




naxbigae 


nak'iga* 




naxanp'ga s 


2d per. 


nexik.'df 




nak'ik.'dt' 


naxamk.'dt' 




3d per. 


nexik K 


naxbik' 


nak'ik* 


naxamk' 


naxanp'k' 


Plural: 












1st per. 




naxbigana % k' 


nak*igana s k' 




naxanp'gana y k' 


2d per. 


nexik.'elt'p' 




nak'ik.'elt'p' 


naxamk.'dt' p x 





Potential 



Singular: 












1st per. 




naxbin 


ndagi'zn 




naxanba^n 


2d per. 


nexdam 




nak'it' 


naximit' 




3d per. 


nexi 


naxbi 


nak'i 


naxam 


naxanp' 


Plural: 












1st per. 




naxbinak' 


nak'inak' 




naxanbana y k' 


2d per. 


nexdap' 




nak'it'p' 


naximit'p' 





Present Imperative 



Singular: 












2d per. 


nexi 




nak'i 


naxam 




Plural: 












1st per. 


. 




nak'iba* 






2d per. 


nexip' 




nak'ip' 


naxamp' 





Future Imperative 



Singular: 
2d per. 



nexga^m 



ndagi'ek' 



288 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 



[BULL. 40 



3. Forms of na(g)- say, do 
B. Transitive — Continued 



Singular: 
1st per, 
2d per. 
3d per. 

Plural: 
1st per. 
2d per. 



nege's-m 
naga'sbin 
naga'n 

naga'simin 
naga'sanban 



Future 



nexina s 

naxbina s 

ndagina'e 

naximina s 
naxanbana £ 



Potential 



nexm 

naxbin 

nak'in 

naximin 
naxanban 



Inferential 



nexigam 

naxbigam 

nak'am 

naxamk'am 
naxanp'gam 



FJEtEQ TTENTA.TIVM 

A-orist 





Object 


Subject 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singular: 

1st per. . . . 

2d per. . . . 

3d per. . . . 
Plural: 

1st per. . . . 

2d per. . . . 


negens-dam 
negens-i 

negens'dap' 


nagansbten 

nagansbi 

nagansbinak' 


naganha^n 
naganhat 
naganha 

naganhanak' 
naganhat' p' 


nagansimit' 
nagansam 

nagansimit' p' 


nagansanba s n 

nagansanp' 

nagansanbana^k' 



Future 



Singular: 












1st per. . . . 




nansbin 


nanhan 




nansanban 


2d per. . . . 


nens-da* 




nanhada 6 


nansimida s 




3d per. . . . 


nens-ink' 


nansbink' 


nariharik* 


nansamank' 


nansanbank' 


Plural: 












1st per. . . . 




nansbinagam 


nanhanagam 




nansanbanagam 


2d per. . . . 


nensdabae 




nanhat'ba £ 


nansimit'ba e 





Aorist 



Future 



Singular: 

1st per. 

2d per. 

3d per. 
Plural: 

1st per. 

2d per. 



negens-m 
nagansbin 
naganhan 

nagansimin 
nagansanban 



nens'ina* 
nansbinae 
nanhana* 

nansimina e 
nansanbana s 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 

3. Forms of na(g)- say, do 
C. Causative in -n- l 

Aorist 



289 





Object 


Subject 


First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Singular: 












1st per. . . . 




nagdnxWn 


nagdana' £ n 
(nagdani' s n) 2 




naganxanba e n 


2d per. . . . 


negenxdam 




nagdmaH* 
(nagdanVV) 


nagdnximiV 




3d per. . . . 


negenxi 


naganxbi 


nagan 
(naganhi) 


nagdnxam 


nagdnxanp* 


Plural: 












1st per. . . . 




nagdnxbinak' 


nagdmana y k' 
(nagdanina % k') 




nagdnxanbanaW 


2d per. . . . 


negenxdap' 




nagdanaH' p' 
(nagdanVfp') 


nagdnximit'p* 





Future 



Singular: 

1st per. . . . 




nanxbin 


ndana'n 




nanxanban 


2d per. . . . 
3d per. . . . 


nenxda s 
nenxink' 


ndnxbink" 


Si o Pi a Si 


ndnximidat 
nanxamank" 


nanxanbarik' 


Plural: 

1st per. . . . 

2d per. . . . 


nenxdaba* 


nanxbinagam 


ndmanaga'm 
(ndaninaga'm) 
ndana'Vba* 
(ndani't'ba*) 


nanximit'ba* 


nanxanbanagam 



Passive 



Aorist 



Future 



Singular: 

1st per. 

2d per. 

3d per. 
Plural: 

1st per. 

2d per. 



negenxin 
nagdnxbin 
nagdana'n (nagdmi'n) 

naganximin 
naganxanban 



nenxina e 
nanxbina* 
ndanana'e (naanina'*) 

nanximina* 
nanxanbana' 



i Though these forms are simply derivatives of intransitive aorist naga(i)- } verb-stem na-, they have been 
listed here because of their great similarity to transitive frequentatives, with which they might be easily 
confused. In the aorist, the two sets of forms differ in the length of the second (repeated) vowel, in the 
connecting consonant, and to some extent in the place of the accent, though this is probably a minor con- 
sideration. In the future, they differ in the connecting consonant and partly again in the place of the accent. 

2 Forms in parentheses are instrumental. 

3 Imperative (sing. subj. and third person object): nanha. 

3045°— Bull. 40, pt 2—12 19 



290 



BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY 

3. Forms of na(g)- say, do 
D. Reciprocal Forms 



[BULL. 40 





Aorist 


' Future 


Plural: 

1st per 


naga'sinik" 
naga'sanVp* 
naga'sa^n 
(frequentative 
sa s n) 


nagan- 


naxinigam 
naxanfba* 


2d per . . . . 


3d per 








E. 


Nominal Derivatives 

INFINITIVES 

Intransitive: ne y x 






Object 




First person 
singular 


Second person 
singular 


Third person 


First person 
plural 


Second person 
plural 


Transitive .... 


nSxiya 


n&xbiya 


ndagia y 


naximia 


naxanbia 



JPARTICIPIE 

Active: naH' 



Other forms derived from verb-stem na{g)- than those given above 
are of course found, but are easily formed on evident analogies. 
Observe, however, intransitive aorist stem nagai- in transitive deriva- 
tives nagaiFwa he said to him (personal) and nagaiVwitf he said 
to himself. Comitatives in - (a)gw- are not listed because their forma- 
tion offers no difficulty; e. g., second person singular present impera- 
tive na¥ w do so and so having it! It is possible that ho u - 
nexada £ immediately is nothing but adverb bo u now + subordinating 
form *nexada £ of -xa- derivative from na a g- with regular palatal ablaut 
(see §31,5); literally it would then mean something like when it is 

BECOMING (DOING) NOW. 



APPENDIX B 

THE ORIGIN OF DEATH 
xi'lam 1 sebeY 2 hap'da 3 loho r k\ 4 sgi'sidlT 5 no'tslat'gwan® 

Roasting-Dead-People his child it died. He and Coyote neighboring each 

other 

yu v k\ 7 ga-s'i £8 nak'ik': 9 "laps 10 yimi'xi 11 kap'dek' 12 loho'iday 3 

they were. And that he said to "Blanket lend it to me my child since it died, 

him: 

laps 10 yimi'xi," 11 naga'-ihi £ 14 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 "ani £15 laps 10 

blanket lend it to me," he said, it is said, Roasting-Dead-People. "Not blanket 

i xi'lam. Used indifferently for sick, dead (as noun), and ghost, -am (= -an) is probably noun-forming 
suffix with inorganic -a- (cf. han-xilml abode of ghosts, literally , across-river are ghosts as verb with 
positional -t). As base is left xil- or xin- (-n- of radical syllable dissimilates to -I- before nasal suffix); xi'lam 
from* xin-an or * xil-an. This xin- is perhaps etymologically identical with xin mucus (verb-base zs?i-sniff). 

2 sebeH'. Participle in -t' of verb seeba'-n Type 5 1 roast it; aorist stem seel-, verb-stem sebe-. roast- 
ing-dead-people is Takelma name for species of black long-legged bug. He is supposed to be so called 
because responsible for death, as told in this myth. 

s hap'da. Base haflp'- small, child (cf. hap-s-di s small). This is one of those comparatively few nouns 
that add possessive pronominal suffixes of Scheme II directly to stem. With suffixed ([?] pre-pronominal) 
-i- it becomes plural in signification: hapxda ms children. This sort of plural formation stands, as far as 
known, entirely isolated in Takelma. In its absolute form haap'- takes on derivative suffix -xi, Mpxi y 

CHILD. 

*hho % k'. Third personal inferential of verb lohoit'e* Type 4b I die; aorist stem lohoi-, verb-stem 
loho-. -k' inferential element. Inferential mode used because statement is here not made on personal 
authority, but only as tradition or hearsay. According to this, all myth narrative should employ inferential 
forms instead of aorist. This myth employs partly inferentials and partly aorists; but in most other 
myths aorists are regular^ employed, probably because they are more familiar forms, and perhaps, also, 
because myths may be looked upon as well-authenticated fact. 

5 sgi'sidVl. sgi'si coyote, formed by repetition of base- vowel according to Type 2. -dVl is dual suffix 
sgi'sidVl by itself might mean two coyotes, but -diH is never properly dual in signification, meaning rather 
he (indicated by preceding noun) and some one else (indicated by context). 

tno'ts.'at'gwan. From local adverbial stem nots!- next door, neighboring; it is formed by addition 
of characteristic -a- and third personal plural reflexive pronominal suffix -t'gwan (= -V- [third person]+-^a- 
[reflexive] + -n [plural]). First person singular notslade; second person singular nots!ada' £ . 

i yu*k'. Third personal inferential of verb yowo't'e 1 Type 2 I am; aorist stem yowo-, verb-stem yo- 
(yu-). -k' inferential element as in loho y k'. Corresponding aorist, yowo' £ . 

s gas-i s . ga is general demonstrative that, here serving to anticipate quotation: "laps (2) . . . yimi'xi- 
(3). ' ' -s'i £ as general connective indicates sequence of nak'ik' upon loho K k' (1). 

v nak'ik'. Third personal inferential of verb naga' £ n Type 2 i say to him; aorist stem naga-, verb-stem 
nwg-. Corresponding aorist, naga\ Non-aoristic forms of this transitive verb show instrumental -i- (see 
§64). 

w laps. Noun of uncertain etymology, perhaps from base lab- carry on one's back, -s nominal deriva- 
tive suffix of no known definite signification. 

" yimi'xi. Present imperative second person singular subject, first person singular object (-xi) of verb 
yiimiya' £ n Type 1 1 lend it to htm; aorist stem yiimii-, verb-stem yimi-. Non-aoristic forms show instru- 
mental -i- as in nak'ik'; e. g., yimi'hin i shall lend it to htm. 

whap'dek'. See hap' da (1). -del:' first person singular possessive pronominal suffix according to Scheme II. 

13 loho'ida £ . Subordinate form, with causal signification, of loho'i £ he died. Aorist stem lohoi- =verb- 
stem loho- + intransitive element -i- characteristic of aorist of Type 4; - s , third personal aorist subject intran- 
sitive Class I, dissimilated because of catch in subordinating suffix -da £ . Syntactically loho'ida £ is subordi- 
nated to yimi'xi. 

unaga'-ihi £ . =naga'i £ he satd+ quotative enclitic -hi £ . naga'i £ third person aorist of irregular verb 
nagait'e £ Type 4a i say; aorist stem nagai-, verb-stem no-. Both transitive and intransitive forms of na(g)- 
say incorporate object of thing said; ga in gas-i £ (2) is incorporated as direct object in nak'ik' (it would be 
theoretically more correct to write ga [-s-i £ ]- nak'ik'); while quotation " laps . . . yimi'xi'" is syntactically 
direct object of naga'-ihi £ which, as such, it precedes, ga-nak'ik' anticipates "laps . . . yimi'xi" naga'- 
iW. Observe use of aorist instead of inferential from naga'-ihi £ on. 

15 a'nl £ . Negative particle with following aorist. True negative future would be wede yimi'hixbiga s . 

291 



292 bureau or American ethnology [bull. 40 

yFmlsbi^n 16 gwidi'-s*i £17 yo ,£ t ? 18 xila'm 1 yeuk'iV' 19 naga'-ihi £14 

I lend it to you for where they will be dead people if they return? " he said, it is said, 

sgi'si. 5 no u s'i £2 ° yewe /i£21 xilam 1 sebeY. 2 klodoY 22 hap'dagwa 23 

Coyote. And next door he returned Roasting-Dead-People. He buried it his own child 

loho'ida*. 24 ganehi £25 dabalni'xa 26 la a le\ 27 mPhi 528 sgi'si 5 hap'da 3 

who had died. And then, it long time it became. Now, it is Coyote his child 

is said, said, 

xi'lam 1 la a le\ 27 ml i28 loho' i£ . 29 ml i28 no' u£ 8' 20 gini' £ k ?30 xilam 1 sebet* 2 

sick it became. Now it died. Now next door he went Roasting-Dead-People 

5 wa' a da. 31 "laps 10 yimi'xi 11 ha a p*deV 12 loho'idaV 13 — "k'adi' 32 

to him. " Blanket lend it to me my child since it died." "What 

nagaitY' 33 xilam 1 sebe't' 2 ga 8 naga' i£ . 14 u ho u xa £ a V34 ma £ a 35 

you said?" Roasting-Dead-People that he said. "Last time you 



is yiimlsbi s n. First person singular subject (- e rc) second personal singular object (-M-) of verb yUmiya'*n 
(see yimi'xi above), -s- indirect object used only in aorist of this verb, elsewhere -x-; e. g., future yimi'xbin 
I shall lend it to you. Aorist is used because idea of futurity is here immediate; i. e., time of action is not 
put definitely forward. 

" gwidi'-s-i s . gwi- general interrogative and indefinite adverb where? somewhere, di interrogative 
enclitic serving to give gwi- distinct interrogative signification. -s-« £ has here slight causal tinge: for where 

WOULD THEY ALL BE, IF THEY RETURNED? 

is yo'H' . Third personal future of verb yowo't'e* i am (see yu K k' above). -H' third personal subject 
future intransitive Class I. 

is yeuk'i s . Third personal conditional (-fc'i £ ) of verb yeweit'e- Type 4a i return; aorist stem yewei-, 
verb-stem yeu- (ye«w-). 

20 no'us-i £ . =n6'i^s % (stem nots!- next door) 4- connective -s-i s . no'u £ s- may best be considered as local 
adverbial prefix to yewe'i*. 

21 yewe'tf. Third person aorist of verb yeweit'e 1 (see yeuk'i e above {-i and - £ as in loho'i* and naga'tf above) 

22 klodoH'. Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k!ododa' £ n Type 8 i bury him 
aorist stem k/odod-, verb-stem goud-. 

™hap'dagwa. See hap' da (1). -gwa reflexive suffix. k.'odoY hap' da would have meant he (Roasting- 
Dead-People) buried his (Coyote's) child. 

24 loho'ida 1 . In this case subordinate form serves merely to explain hap'dagwa, and may thus be rendered 
as relative, who had died. 

^ganehi e . =gane and then (compound of demonstrative ga), used to introduce new turn in narrative, 
+ quotative -hi*. 

26 dabalni'xa. Temporal adverb long time. Like many other adverbs, it is difficult of satisfactory 
analysis, da- is local body-part prefix, as in several other temporal adverbs; but its application here is 
quite obscure, bal- radical element, cf. adjective bal-s long, -xa adverbial (chiefly temporal) suffix- 
•ni- = ? (cf. lep'ni'xa winter). 

*>IoaW. Third person aorist intransitive Class II of verb loAlit'e* Types 10a and 15a i become; aorist 
stem laale-, verb-stem laa-p'-. -I- = U- of positional verbs. Corresponding inferential lap'k'. 

28 miihi s . =mli weak temporal adverb now, then, serving generally to introduce new statement, + quo- 
tative -hi*. 

Mloho'i*. Seeloho'ida* (2). 

3o gini' £ k'. Third person aorist of verb gini'k'de? Type 2 I go (somewhere); aorist stem ginig-, verb-stem 
ging-, ginag- (present imperative gink' ; future gina'k'de «). - £ third person aorist intransitive Class I. Inas- 
much as forms occui derived from base gin- (e. g., reduplicated giniginia'u £ ), . g . mus t be considered as either 
petrified suffix, or as trace of older reduplication with vanished vowel in second member: gin-i-g- from 
(?) gin-i-gn-. ginig- can be used only with expressed goal of motion (in this case no'u £ s- an a w a'ada). he 
went without expressed goal would have been ya' £ . Similarly: baxam- come, me £ -ginig- come here; 
Uogw- run, hiwiliw- run (somewhere); s-owo'u £ k'ap'- jump, biliw- jump at. 

si wa'ada. Formed, like no'ts.'at'givan (1), by addition of third personal pronominal suffix -'da to local 
stem wa-; first person wade. These forms are regularly used when motion to some person or persons is 
meant: if goal of motion is non-personal, postposition ga £ aH to, at is employed. 

32 k'adi'. k'a (before di, otherwise k'ai) is substantival indefinite and interrogative stem (thing), what, 
corresponding to adverbial gwi- (4). di serves also here to give k'a distinct interrogative force. 

33 nagalV. Second person singular aorist of verb nagalt'e* (see naga'-iW above). This is one of those 
few intransitives that take personal endings directly after stem ending in semi-vowel (nagay-), without 
connective -a- (see § 65 end). 

si houxa^. =houxa s yesterday, (here more indefinitely as) last time, formerly + deictic - £ a\ -xa is 
adverbial (temporal) suffix (cf. dabalni'xa above). - £ a y serves to contrast last time with now. 

85 ma £ a. = ma second person singular independent personal pronoun + deictic - £ a\ which here contrasts 
you (as former object of supplication) with i (as present object of supplication). 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES TAKELMA 293 

ga ' 6{i nege's 'dam 37 ' laps 10 y imi'xi ' " naga'sbinda £ : 38 ' yap !a 39 

that you said to me ' Blanket lend it to me ' when I said to you: ' People 

gwidr il7 yo' £ t' 18 yemViV 19 ml i28 hawa'xi u£ 40 h^p'de'k'," 12 naga'-ihi £14 

where they will be if they return?' Now it is rotting my child," he said, it is said, 

xilain 1 sebeV. 2 no' u s'i £20 sgisi 5 yewe' i£ . 21 "sga 41 +" t'aga' i£ . 42 ga 8 

Roasting-Dead-People. And next Coyote he returned. "Sga +" he cried. That 

door 

ga £ al 43 bo u44 £ a'nl £15 yap!a 39 yewe' i£21 loho'ida 5 . 13 

because of nowadays not people they return when they die. 

*6 ga. Anticipates quotation " yap.'a (10) . . . ybuk'i e (11)." 

37 nege's- dam. Second personal singular subject, first personal singular object (-dam) of verb naga' s n 
(see nakik' above), nege- shows palatal ablaut characteristic of forms with first person singular object. 
S'- indirect object in aorist only, elsewhere -x-; e. g., nexda^ you will say to me. Direct object is ga. 

3 » naga'sbinda e . Subordinate form, with temporal force, of naga'sWn I say to you. naga'sWn = aorist 
stem naga- + indirect object -s- + second personal singular object -hi- + first personal singular subject 
-*n. naga'sbinda* is subordinated to main verb nege's'dam; its direct object is quotation "laps yimi'xi" 
(10). 

39 yap.'a. Noun formed apparently by repetition of base vowel according to Type 2. It is employed for 
people in general without regard to sex. 

*> Uawa'xivt. Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb hawaxiut'e? Type 5 i am rotting; aorist 
stem xiu-, verb-stem xiwi-. This verb is evidently compounded of hawa y x matter, pus and verbal base 
xiu-, whose exact meaning can not be determined, as it has not been found alone. 

« sgd-h. Words spoken by Coyote often begin with s-, which has in itself no grammatical significance. 

« 1 aga'tf Third person aorist intransitive Class I of verb t'agalt'e- Type 4a I cry; aorist stem t'agai-, 
verb-stem t' dag-. -i £ as in yewe'i-, loho'i s , and naga'tf above. 

i3 ga e aH. Postposition to, at, on account of, used with preceding demonstrative ga; ga ga £ a 7= there- 
fore. ga £ a y l is itself compounded of demonstrative ga and local element al at, to. 

** 68«. Temporal adverb now, to-day. First e of £ a'n¥ not intended merely to keep up distinct hiatus 
between final -ou and initial a-. 

[Translation] 

The child of Roasting-dead-people died. He and Coyote were 
neighbors to each other. Thereupon he said to him, "Lend me a 
blanket, for my child has died. Lend me a blanket," said Roasting- 
dead-people. " I'll not lend you a blanket, for where are they going 
to be, if dead people come back?" said Coyote. And next door 
returned Roasting-dead-people, and buried his child that had died. 

Then, 'tis said, a long time elapsed. Now Coyote's child became 
sick and died. Now next door he went to Roasting-dead-people. 
"Lend me a blanket, for my child has died." — "What did you say?" 
Roasting-dead-people said that. "Yesterday indeed when I did say 
to you, 'Lend me a blanket,' you, for your part, did say that to me, 
'Where will the people be, if they return?' Now my child is rot- 
ting," said Roasting-dead-people. So next door Coyote returned. 
"Sga+ !" he cried. For that reason people do not nowadays return 
when they die. 



294 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

HOW A TAKELMA HOUSE WAS BUILT 
yapla 1 wi'H 12 klemei. 3 bem 4 p!a-idi £ lo /u ky eme' e s'i £6 honcr 7 

People house they make it. Post they set it down, and here again 

p!a-idi £ lo /u k',he /£ me £8 hono /£ p!a-idI e lo ,u k ? ,hag;amgama^n 9 p!a-idI ff lo /u k < . 

they set it down, yonder again they set it down, in four places they set them down. 

he /£ ne 10 hono £ hangili'p' 11 gadaV 12 hagamgamaV., gada'kVi £i3 

Then also they place (beams) on top thereof in four places, and on top thereof 

across 

mu £ xda'nhi 14 hangiii x p\ he £ ne ya ,a s*i £15 wi'li s'idibi' 116 klemei; 

just once they place Then and just house its wall they make it; 

(beam) across. 

5he £ ne gada'kVi £ matsla v k' 17 will 1 he e la v m, 18 t'ga^l 19 ga 20 he e la'ni 

then and on top they put them house boards. sugar-pine those boards 

thereof 

klemei, gane 21 dak'daY 22 datlabaV, 23 ha' £ ya 24 datlaba^k'. gane 

they make And then from on top they finish it, on both sides they finish it. And then 

them. 

dedewill^dadi's 25 klemei dak'daf s *i' £ 26 daho'kVal 27 klemei klija'x 28 

door they make it, and from on top holed they make it smoke 

gana x u 29 ba-i-gina'xda a . 30 ganes*i £31 ga'klan 32 klemei, xarlsgipli'- 

therein its going out. And then ladder they make it, they notch it in 

several 



i See note 39 of first text; § 86, 2. yapla is to be understood as subject of all following finite verb 
forms. 

2 § 86, 2; quantity of final vowel varies between 4 and -U. Directly precedes verb as object. 

s Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb k!eme s n Type 3 i make it; §§ 63; 65. 

« § 86, 1; object of following verb. 

e p.'a-i- down § 37, 13; di-- § 36, 10. lo'uV third personal subject, third personal object aonst of verb 
lo'ugwatn Type 6 1 set it; §§ 63; 40, 6. 

e eme' s here § 104; -si £ enclitic particle § 114, 4. 

» Modal adverb § 113, 4. 

e § 104. 

8 Numeral adverb from gamga'm four § 111. 

io Temporal adverb § 113, 3. 

" Jian- across § 37, 1. -gilPp' third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -giliba^n 
Type 3; §§63; 40,3. 

i 2 Postposition with force of independent local adverb § 96. 

13 See note 12; -s-i- c § 114, 4. 

" mu^xda>n numeral adverb once § 111; -hi enclitic particle § 114, 2. 

is yd'a post-positive particle just § 114, 1; -s-i £ § 114, 4. 

is s-iiib- (house) wall § 86, 3; -i'i third personal possessive form of noun-characteristic -i- §§89,3; 
92 III. house its- wall is regular periphrasis for house's wall. 

17 Third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb mats!aga' s n Type 3 1 put it; §§ 63; 40, 3. 

is Noun stem heel- with nominal suffix -am dissimilated from -an §§ 87, 6; 21. will* heeWm is com- 
pound noun § 88. 

1 9 § 86, 1. Predicate appostive to heela y m: they make those boards out of sugar-pine. 

20 Demonstrative pronoun of indifferent number modifying heda y m § 104. 

2 1 Temporal or connective adverb compounded of demonstrative ga and element -ni (?=ne?) of unknown 
meaning §§ 113, 2; 114 end. 

22 Adverb in -dot' from local element dak'- above § 112, 1. 

23 da- § 36, 2 end; -t.'abaW third personal subject, third personal object aorist of verb -t!abaga' s n Type 3 
! finish it; §§ 63; 40,3. 

24 Local adverb § 113, 1. 

25 dedcwili'ida door, local phrase with pre-positive e?e- in front of and third personal possessive suffix 
-da § 93 end. -aVs postposition § 96 of unclear meaning here. 

26 See note 22; -s-i s § 114, 4. 

27 da- §107, 5; -ho'k'wal adjective with suffix -al § 108, 2. 

28 § 86, 3. 

29 Postposition with kliyl'x ba-igina'xdaa § 96. 

so Third personal possessive form in -daa of infinitive ba-igina y x. ba-i- out § 37, 12; gin- verb stem Type 
2 or 11 go to § 40, 2, 11; -ax infinitive suffix of intransitive verbs of class I § 74, 1. 
3i See note 21; -s'i s § 114, 4. 
32 § 86, 2; suffix -n, §§ 21; 87, 6. 



boas] HANDBOOK OF INDIAN LANGUAGES — TAKELMA 295 

sgap', 33 gwelt'gau 34 gina'x 35 klemei; wili s'idibl'Vi 536 klernei. gane 

places, down to the earth going they make house its wall and they make And 

it; it. then 

datlabaV ha^t'bu'xt'bixikX 37 gane leples 38 hahuwu' u£ k'i, 39 gana't' 40 

they finish it all cleaned inside. And rush they spread them of that kind 

then mats out inside, 

gidi 41 alxali 42 yap!a N ; p!i i43 yoga' a44 has*s-o u , 45 gas*i £46 alxaliyana' £ 47 

thereon they sit people; fire its place in the center, so that they being seated 

ha' £ ya-p!iya\ 48 gana £ ne'x 49 hop!e' £ n 50 yap!a £ a 51 wi'li 1 ; 53 lep'ni'xa 53 

on both sides of the In that way long ago people, for their house; in winter 

fire. their part, 

will' 152 gana N t 53 . sama'xas*i £54 ana £ ne'x 55 alxali, a'ni £56 wi'li gana v u. 57 5 

their of that But in summer in this way they sit, not house therein 

house kind. 

gwa's* 58 wili yaxa 59 wit'ge'ye e£ k'i, 60 gas*i £ pli* yoga' a klemei 

Brush house just they set it around, so that fire its place they make it 

habini\ 61 gana £ nex sama'xa alxali, am £ lep'ni'xa nat' 62 wi'li gana^u. 

in the middle. In that way in summer they dwell, not in winter like house therein. 

33 xa- § 36, 7b; -I- instrumental §36, 6; xoV-i- with e to mark hiatus § 6. -sgipHsgap' third personal sub- 
ject, third personal object aorist of verb -sgip!isgibi £ n Type 13a i cut it up to pieces iterative ol 
verb -sgl'ibi*n Type 6; §§ 63; 40,13; 43,1. 

3* Local phrase with pre-positive gv:el down to § 95 and noun-characteristic -u § 89, 4; t'ga § 86, 1. 

so See note 30; infinitive used as noun § 74 end. 

3« See note 16; -s - ?' £ § 114, 4. s-i- is appended to s-idibi'i rather than wili, as wili sidibl'i is taken as unit. 

^ha- in §36, 11 b; -I- instrumental § 36, 6; haH- § 6. -fbuxfbix-ik'w passive participle with instru- 
mental -I- in -ik'w § 77 from verb -t'boxot'bax- Type 13a, verb stem -t'boxt'bax-; -t'box- ablauted to -tbiix- 
§ 31, 2; -t'bax- umlauted to -t'bix- § 8, 3a. 

38 §86, 3. 

&ha- in §36, lib. -huwu'usjc'i == -huwuuJc.'-M § 19 end; third personal subiect, third personal object 
aorist of instrumental verb -huwu'uk!i £ n Type 3 i spread (mat) out § 64. 

4° Compounded of demonstrative ga that and naH' participle in -t' § 76 of verb nagai- Type 4 a do, be, 
verb stem na-; see Appendix A. 

a Postposition § 96; gi- umlauted from ga- § 8, 4. 

42 al- § 36, 15b, here with uncertain force; -xali thud personal subject, third personal object aorist Type 
1 in form, though intransitive in meaning § 67 footnote. 

«§86, 1. 

« Third personal possessive of noun yog- (?) § 86, 1 with noun-characteristic -a § 92 III. fire its-place 
is regular pariphrasis for fire's place. 

« Local phrase with pre-positive ha- in; -s-bu §86, 1 does not seem otherwise to occui 

M Connective compounded of demonstrative ga that and enclitic particle -si £ § 114,1 

47 Subordinate form of alxali, note 42; § 70 (see transitive paradigm). 

48 Local phrase with pre-positive Jia'ya- on both sides of and noun-characteristic -a §95; -p!iy-a> from 
p. 1 FIRE. 

4 9 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative ga that and na e ne K x infinitive of verb nafnagai-, verb 
stem na s na- §§ 69; 74, 1; Appendix A. 

so Temporal adverb in -n § 112, 3. 

si yap.'a see note 1; - s a deictic post-nominal element § 102 (people of long ago contrasted with those of 
to-day). 

52 wilU or will'i third personal pronominal form § 92 III of noun wi' li house see note 2. people their- 
house regular periphrasis for people's house. Observe that predicate verb (third personal aorist of 
to be) is not expressed in this sentence. 

53 Temporal adverb in -xa § 112, 2. 
5i sama'xa cf. note 53; -si e § 114, 4. 

65 Modal adverb compounded of demonstrative stem a- this § 104 and na £ ne y x see note 49. 

58 Negative adverb of aorist § 113, 3. 
57 Postposition with wi'li § 96. 

ss § 86, 1. gwa's- wili brush house form compound noun § 88. 

59 Particle in -xa §§ 112, 2; 114, 9. 

6o^- § 37, 8. -t'ge'yeesic'i = -t'geyeeJt.'-hi § 19 end; third personal subject, third personal object aorist of 
instrumental verb -t'ge'yeek!i s n Type 2 1 put it around § 64; -It!- petrified suffix § 42, 7. 

6i Local adverb with pre-positive ha- in § 95, noun stem -bin- not freely occurring § 86, 1, and noun- 
characteristic -i § 89, 3. 

82 participle in -t' § 76; see note 40. 



296 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 40 

[Translation] 

The people are making a house. A post they set in the ground, 
and here again they set one in the ground, yonder again they set one 
in the ground, in four places they set them in the ground. Then 
also they place beams across on top in four places, and above (these) 
they put one across just once. And just then they make the house 
wall; and then on top they place the house boards, those they make 
out of sugar-pine lumber. Then they finish it on top, on either side 
they finish it. Then they make the door, and on top they make a 
hole for the going out of the smoke. And then they make a ladder, 
they notch out (a pole), for going down to the floor they make it; 
and the house wall they make. 

Then they finish it, all cleaned inside. Now rush mats they spread 
out inside, on such the people sit. The fireplace is in the center, so 
that they are seated on either side of the fire. In that way, indeed, 
was the house of the people long ago; in winter their house was such. 
But in summer they were sitting like now, 1 not in the house. Just 
a brush shelter they placed around, so that the fireplace they made 
in the middle. Thus they dwelt in summer, not as in winter in a 
house. 

i We were sitting out in the open when this text was dictated. 



VITA. 



I, Edward Sapir, was born in Lauenburg, Pomerania, Germany, 
on January 26th, 1884. Emigrated to United States of America in 
1890. Attended public primary and grammar schools in Richmond, 
Va., and New York City up to 1898. Attended Horace Mann and De 
Witt Clinton High Schools, 1898-1901. Matriculated in Columbia 
University, 1901; obtained degree of A.B., 1904; A.M. (in Germanics), 
1905. Continued post-graduate work at Columbia, 1905-07, with Lin- 
guistics as major and Anthropology and Germanic Philology as minors. 
From 1898 to 1906 I was Pulitzer Scholar, and I take this opportunity 
of thanking Mr. Joseph Pulitzer. Was University Fellow in Linguistics 
and Anthropology, 1906-07. In summer of 1907 submitted as doctoral 
dissertation "The Takelma Language of Southwestern Oregon." 
Oral examination for doctor's degree passed in 1908; degree of Ph. D. 
awarded in 1909. Research Assistant in Anthropology, University 
of California, 1907-08; Harrison Research Fellow in Anthropology, 
University of Pennsylvania, 1908-09; Instructor in Anthropology, 
same University, 1909-10. Appointed Ethnologist of the Geological 
Survey of Canada, 1910. Field trips for research in American Indian 
linguistics and ethnology were made in summers of 1905, 1906, 1907, 
winter of end of 1907, summer of 1909, and fall of 1910. 

I take pleasure in thanking my instructors at Columbia for help 
and inspiration in prosecution of my studies, particularly Prof. Jackson 
and Dr. Yohannan of the Indo-Iranian department; Prof. Carpenter, 
Prof. Thomas, Prof. Hervey, Prof. Remy, and Prof. Tombo of the 
Germanic department; Dr. Gerig of the Romance department; and Prof. 
Farrand, Prof. Saville, and, last and most specially of all, Prof. Boas 
of the department of Anthropology. 

My published writings are : 

Wishram Texts (Publications of the American Ethnological Society, 
vol. 2), Leyden, 1909. 

Takelma Texts (Anthropological Publications of the University 
of Pennsylvania Museum, vol. 2, pt. 1), Philadelphia, 1909. 

Yana Texts (University of California Publications in American 
Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 9, pt. 1), Berkeley, 1910. 

Religious Ideas of the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon 
(Journal of American Folk-Lore, vol. 20, pp. 33-49). 



SEP 16 1912 



Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon (American 
Anthropologist, N.S., vol. 9, pp. 251-75). 

Preliminary Report on the Language and Mythology of the Upper 
Chinook (ibid., pp. 533-44). 

Herder's "Ursprung der Sprache" (Modern Philology, vol. 5, 
pp. 109-42). 

On the Etymology of Sanskrit a grit, Avestan asru, Greek dakru 
(Spiegel Memorial Volume, pp. 156-59), Bombay, 1908. 

Song Recitative in Paiute Mythology (Journal of American Folk- 
Lore, vol. 23, pp. 455-72). 

The History and Varieties of Human Speech (Popular Science 
Monthly, vol. 79, pp. 45-67). 

Some Aspects of Nootka Language and Culture (American Anthro- 
pologist, N.S., vol. 13, pp. 15-28). 

The Problem of Noun Incorporation in American Languages 
{ibid., pp. 250-82). 

An Anthropological Survey of Canada (Science, N.S., vol. 34, pp 
789-93, 1911). 



THE TAKELM A LANGUAGE 
OF SOUTHWESTERN OREGON 



BY 



EDWARD SAPIR 



EXTRACT FROM HANDBOOK OF AMERICAN INDIAN 

LANGUAGES (BULLETIN 40), PART 2, OF .BUREAU OF 

AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY (BOAS) 




WASHINGTON 

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 

1912 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for 

the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of 

Philosophy, Columbia University. 



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